Rajya Sabha amendments
Officials associated with the Bill term the amendments in the Rajya Sabha minor. However, a much-disappointed Madhuresh Kumar of the National Alliance of the People’s Movement, who has been closely following the progress of the legislation, says the new legislation is an “opportunity missed to undo the century-old wrongs committed on farmers and landowners”.
According to the original Bill, a Social Impact Assessment (SIA) was required before any process of acquisition was initiated, including any notice. The amendments have removed the need for such an assessment for irrigation projects.
Also, the Bill as passed by the Lok Sabha had mandated land as well as compensation in lieu of land acquired for irrigation projects. Now it will be either land or compensation, depending upon the availability with the state government.
The ‘minor changes’ effectively make most of the clauses related to R&R for irrigation projects redundant.
The earlier Bill had said R&R would be completed six months prior to submergence of lands under irrigation projects. “Why would any state opt for R&R when it can get away with just paying compensation,” says Madhuresh, terming the “rare show of unity” by the UPA and NDA in the Rajya Sabha “highly condemnable”.
“This is being done in the backdrop of three decades of struggle against 30 big dams, 135 medium dams and 3,000 small dams on the Narmada and its tributaries in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra. These dams are affecting nearly 5 million people and as of now not in a single project satisfactory R&R has been done.
The Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal (NWDT) Award, 1979, which mandated 5 acres of land to every major son for the Sardar Sarovar Dam affected families, a principle later accepted for some other dams too, is now under attack, Madhuresh says.
According to the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People and other sources, 5,500 big dams have together displaced nearly 5.5 crore people and submerged 44,00,000 hectares of land in 4,528 dams. “Nearly 47 per cent of those displaced by these dams are tribal or indigenous people. A move to exempt irrigation projects from SIA and the ‘land for land’ provision is extremely unfortunate and a will hurt farmers, workers, Dalits and tribal people the most,” he says.
Not all farmer friendly
Even as the government claims this is a farmer-centric Bill, critics believe farmers’ land rights will not be protected. The main contention is that the land-for-land principal has not been kept uniform.
There is also lack of clarity regarding ‘public purpose’ and the government’s unquestionable power for acquisition.
For example, if a private company sets up a thermal plant, the consent of 80 per cent farmers will be required, but for a power plant owned by the government such consent will not be needed.
“Consent is required only for private or PPP projects, not those meant for ‘public purpose’. In a scenario where everything from roads, hospitals to tourism, mining and electricity, developed whether by public or private firms, is considered public good, the Bill will continue to betray people’s faith in the development process,” Madhuresh says.
Besides, provisions of R&R will be applicable only in cases of acquisition of 50 acres in urban and 100 acres in rural areas, whereas most of acquisitions by builders are between 5 and 20 acres.
There is ambiguity on other issues as well, like “sliding scale” for compensation. In the original version of the Bill, all rural areas were promised four times the market rate, but subsequently the concept of sliding scale was introduced, which will determine the compensation depending on the distance from an urban centre.
The government’s reasoning is that circle rates for lands closer to urban centres are usually closer to the market value as compared to lands situated in the interiors, where they are much lower than the market value. So any rural land near the city will command a lower compensation than those farther.
Developers unhappy
Infrastructure majors have also raised the red flag, saying the costs and time required for acquisitions would increase and drive away foreign investors. Jairam Ramesh counters the charge, saying the new transparent process will in fact speed up the acquisition process and also address other concerns of the industry.
Objections were also raised in Parliament on the “urgency clause”, but the minister said it could only be invoked in case of natural calamities and national security.
Long-pending Bill
The fast growing infrastructure projects and special economic zones over the past few years and the resultant agitations by farmers in states such as West Bengal (Nandigram and Singur), Karnataka and Odisha forced the government to introduce a Bill to repeal the 1894 Act in 2011.
But the legislation had to undergo several changes and extensive consultations following objections by Opposition parties and NGOs before finally managing Parliament’s clearance this week.
There is also a question as to how much land was actually acquired under the archaic law, which the new legislation seeks to replace. Madhuresh says a Parliamentary Standing Committee report had said that only 10 per cent of the total acquired land in the country had come under the 1894 Act. He, however, puts the figure at a “more realistic” 20-25 per cent.
Most of the land is acquired under other Central laws, which are yet to be brought under the new Bill. Besides, each state has its own industrial laws.
Officials, however, claim that most of the land acquired in states such as Punjab and Haryana has been under the erstwhile Act. “There is no study to give the exact figure, but acquisitions for most major infrastructure projects, including the Yamuna Expressway, was under the old Act,” an official told The Tribune.
While provisions under the new Bill will apply to acquisitions under the existing Special Economic Zones Act, 2005; Works of Defence Act, 1903; and Cantonments Act, 2006, there are 13 other laws related to land acquisition to which the new compensation rules are not yet applicable.
These include the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act; Atomic Energy Act; Damodar Valley Corporation Act; Indian Tramways Act; Land Acquisition (Mines) Act; Metro Railways (Construction of Works) Act; National Highways Act; Petroleum and Minerals Pipelines (Acquisition of Right of User in Land) Act; Requisitioning and Acquisition of Immovable Property Act; Resettlement of Displaced Persons (Land Acquisition) Act; Coal Bearing Areas Acquisition and Development Act; Electricity Act; and the Railways Act.
The minister, however, assured Parliament that compensation in these 13 laws would also be made as per the new Bill.
Centre-state relations
As per the Constitution, land acquisition is placed under the concurrent list, which means that uniformity is desirable but not essential. The Centre thus has limited say in telling states how to manage their land.
For example, states such as Punjab and Haryana would have the freedom to choose what category of lands they would allow to be acquired, even if the Central law says multi-cropped irrigated land would not be taken away.
In any case, states thus far had been carrying out acquisitions under their own industrial acts and laws. This Bill will act as an enabling tool by setting the benchmark for minimum compensation.
Jairam Ramesh says the aim is not to interfere with the rights of the states. “We have fully protected the rights of the states, we are not making any interference as far as private acquisition is concerned. States will have full flexibility to improve upon the legislation,” he told Parliament.