The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

America’s Afghan problem
Implications of troop pullout

With only a few months left for the withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan, President Barack Obama and Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai are showing signs of uneasiness. What should be the size of the US troops to be left for “training” and “assisting” Afghan security forces after July 2014? This question is worrying both Washington DC and Kabul.

After his recent talks with Karzai in Washington, President Obama reiterated that he was committed to the pullout of the 66,000 American soldiers and marines stationed in Afghanistan, but he wanted it to be a “responsible” move forward to protect “the gains the US troops have made”. One suggestion is that the US must retain between 3,000 and 9,000 troops in Afghanistan after 2014, whereas top US and NATO commander in Afghanistan Gen John Allen wants to retain as many as 15,000 troops to protect the US interests in the Af-Pak region. But will Obama be able to sell it to the war-weary American public?

There is a major problem which has defied a foolproof solution so far: How to prevent the Taliban’s resurgence in post-2014 Afghanistan? The Afghan national troops are not in a position to successfully face any Taliban onslaught. They are getting trained to take up the responsibility of maintaining law and order, but it is a tough task to be accomplished in the few months left before the US troop withdrawal deadline ends.

Afghanistan is actually heading for fresh chaos. The year 2014 will come with the responsibility of maintaining peace in the war-torn country falling on the shoulders of the Afghan national forces when fresh elections are also due. According to the new constitution of Afghanistan, Karzai cannot contest the polls for another term as President, and there is no one who can easily replace him. Karzai must be busy finding a person who can be remote-controlled to run the administration. It will be interesting to watch who emerges as a replacement for Karzai. However, the world community (the US, to be precise) may prefer an amendment to the Afghan constitution so that Karzai remains at the helm of affairs for a few years after 2014. This is in the interest of peace and stability in the region also.

Removing stress of exams
Should not dilute quality of education

Once again the sarkari apparatus, entrusted with the task of bringing about a change in society, has ended up turning a well-meaning programme into a nightmarish failure. The Annual Status of Education Report -2012, published by Pratham, a community building organisation, shows a sharp decline in children’s reading levels over the last three years.

This has raised serious questions about the RTE (the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education) that employed continuous and comprehensive evaluation of students, freeing them from the burden of exams through primary education. In most developed countries, whose model is followed by the RTE, primary education is free from the burden of exams.

What was meant to release the burden of stress from children has turned out to be releasing stress of the teachers. The ‘constant process of evaluation’ was treated by primary school teachers, in their parlance, freedom from the extra work of conducting exams. As a result, the study found that class V students were unable to comprehend a reading test for class II. Certainly, what the RTE meant was the students needed constant monitoring. This kind of approach works fine when parents are educated and can constantly monitor the progress of their ward and can also take the teacher to task if they find tardiness in the progress of the child. For the children of illiterate parents, this meant they were at the mercy of teachers, who felt free of the scrutiny of showing ‘results.’

Before overhauling the system, the government should have made its teaching staff undergo rigorous training to change their mindset of fear- based education into creating a system where children enjoy learning. Removing fear of education should not mean downgrading education. Also, politicisation of the process of selection of teachers, (as reported from Haryana) has put the institution of teachers at greater scrutiny. The government should take primary education with greater seriousness, by putting in a system of monitoring the performance of teachers.

Thought for the Day

If you surrender completely to the moments as they pass, you live more richly those moments. —Anne Morrow Lindbergh

ARTICLE

The Naxalite menace
Need to prepare an action plan
by Lt-Gen Kamal Davar (retd)

Among the serious internal challenges before India today is the Naxal-Maoist threat, commonly dubbed as Left wing extremism (LWE). Alluded to publicly as being the most serious internal security challenge by the Prime Minister on more than one occasion, this threat currently spans nearly 170 districts spread over 16 states with a wide swathe running in the centre of the Indian hinterland from the Nepal-Bihar border to the Karnataka and Kerala borders in a south-west orientation, referred to as “The Red Corridor”.

That some areas within this corridor are bereft of any governmental presence and control, referred to as “liberated zones” by these militants, should be a cause for serious concern to the governments both at the national and state levels. That this serious challenge to India’s security has cross-border linkages compounds the already serious ramifications of LWE in India.

Growing from a small movement in 1967 in the remote village of Naxalbari in West Bengal, led by Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Charu Mazumdar, initially to primarily address local problems of landless, small farmers and farm labour from rapacious landlords, the movement has gradually developed into a malignant cancer engulfing, in varying intensity, nearly one-third of India. At least 48 districts in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha and West Bengal have been seriously affected. The recent arrest of a leading Maoist leader, Kishenji, from Guwahati displays the growing spread of LWE to even Assam.

LWE embracing Naxal, Maoist, CPI(ML) and People’s War Group cadres have now grown to a widely dispersed yet interlinked, vehemently anti-democratic and a gruesomely violent movement which aims at the overthrow of democratically elected governments and all state institutions across the country. By conservative estimates, this movement has nearly 50,000 highly motivated armed cadres, many well-trained in the use of improvised explosive devices and landmines, and are equipped with sophisticated smuggled small automatic weaponry from China. The LWE hierarchy has a budget, based on an extortion economy of over Rs 1500 crore, to propel their violent struggles against the Indian state. That in the “Red Corridor”, even newly well-equipped police detachments trained to combat LWE have suffered large casualties, is nothing very surprising. Over 11,000 civilian and police fatalities have resulted in the last five years owing to LWE violence. The Dantewada massacre in April 2010 in Chhattisgarh, which resulted in 76 casualties to security personnel, is a classic case of the reach of the militants and the lack of operational preparedness of our counter-insurgency police forces.

As the nation braces to get rid of this scourge, it will only be prudent to introspect the reasons for the growth of LWE insurgency in India. Notwithstanding our many failings and the so-called “foreign hand”, it is a matter of some satisfaction that India has successfully managed, after many years of costly struggle, to contain and manage insurgency in Kashmir and the restive North-East to a large extent. Therefore, defeating LWE should also not be impossible for a nation which aspires to be in global reckoning.

Not many in the government or security analysts in the country will doubt that LWE in India has materialised in its present alarming dimension owing to a variety of reasons since Independence. These are lack of a clear national policy in combating indigenous insurgencies, political differences between many states and the Central government, woefully poor intelligence especially at the ground level, ill-equipped and under-trained police and central police forces, lack of coordination among state and Central security agencies and, above all, a total neglect of locally significant development issues in the insurgency-infested regions. That most state governments have not implemented the various forest laws and land-ceiling laws, enacted as early as in 1955, to safeguard the basic rights of tribals and the poor in rural areas has compounded and fuelled the problem of growing insurgencies in the hyper poverty-stricken regions of the country.

There is no doubt that the nation is more than seized of the LWE malaise. For the past few years, Central intervention in combating this menace has seen liberal assistance at capacity building, deployment of central police forces, generous allocation of security-related expenditure to the affected states, better equipping and training of special police forces for counter-insurgency operations, construction of specialised infrastructure and fortified police stations. The Centre’s Integrated Action Plan and Road Requirement Plans-I have made some inroads into the development of remote regions after years of neglect. As the government allocates additional funding for special development projects, it must scrupulously ensure that funds are being utilised properly on the ground and not being misappropriated by corrupt elements in the states as some NGOs have pointed out.

To merely attribute the spread of LWE to socio-economic reasons like the lack of development in the regions affected will be rather simplistic in formulation. At the moment when the Naxals have explicitly refused to talk to the government and are indulging in the worst form of violence not only against the police forces but also against innocent civilians and lower functionaries of the state, the sole priority of the government should be to take on these terrorists head-on, eliminate and jail as many as possible without causing collateral damage to own civilians and villagers in the regions affected. The stated policy of “Clear, Hold and Build” is eminently workable provided there is synergy in action between the political and security elements at the state, national and regional levels.

The nation has only one choice and that is to speedily and unitedly combat and defeat the LWE cadres before full-scale insurgencies erupt at many places within the country. Drawing up a five-year immediate action plan and a 20-year long-term perspective plan needs to be conceptualised and taken to its logical conclusion. These plans to defeat the Naxal menace will have to be an amalgam of the three non-negotiable pillars — security for all, equitable development and political rehabilitation of those who surrender to the state. The overriding principle should be to encourage local genius and resources to be fully utilised.

MIDDLE

The value of parents
by Jagvir Goyal

IT was 15 years ago, Sunday morning (5.30 am). A shrill ring of the telephone had pulled me out of my sound sleep. A doctor friend was calling from my hometown. His normally cheerful voice had sounded subdued. Next moment, the news had hit me like a sledgehammer. My father was no more!

A day earlier, I had left him fit and fine. He hadn't given an iota of hint that he was going to depart forever. I couldn't believe what my friend was saying. Nor could I ask again. My wife had taken hold of the receiver. The news was confirmed.

Like a machine, I travelled to Patiala, lifted him up and marched to the cremation ground. I didn't know when I had lit the pyre. The face I had touched and felt a million times was turning into ashes. Holding my breath, I had stepped back, my heart silently crying and urging him to come back. “Talk to me just once and then, I'll let you go!” I begged. He hadn't believed me. He didn't come back.

Throughout his life, he had cared for my comfort. Even for his departure, he had chosen Sunday…to cause the least discomfort to me!

Fifteen years have passed since his departure. Even today, his departure seems to be a matter of just yesterday when he lay still, free of pain and worries with immense peace over his face. All through his life, he had struggled endlessly but with jest, jostled with the problems, faced the rigours of life. Now, there were none. But for me, that wonderful shelter had ceased to exist.

After his departure, I find that life is no more the same. Howsoever I try, happiness doesn't rise from deep within. Nor does it touch the chords of my heart. It remains on the surface only. The desires, the fun and frolic have evaporated into thin air. The festivals and the functions, the ceremonies and the celebrations, all have gone colourless.

On his departure, I had thought that I would never be able to laugh again. I was wrong. I laugh sometimes but the laughter has changed its spirit. It is not the same — unrestrained, free and unbridled. It has lost its soul!

It is after the departure of our parents that we realise the real value of their existence. At that time, nothing can be done. Those lucky ones whose parents are alive should take lesson, care for them, keep them close, give time to them and bask in the glory and sunshine of their existence.

OPED Document

‘Citizens are fed up with corruption’
Sonia Gandhi says the Congress must “recognise the new changing India, an India increasingly peopled by a younger, more impatient, more demanding and better educated generation… Our youth are getting more assertive and want their voice to be heard”

Excerpted from Congress president Sonia Gandhi's address at the party's "Chintan Shivir" in Jaipur on January 18

Sonia Gandhi addresses the party's "Chintan Shivir" in Jaipur

This interaction is different in at least two respects from ourprevious sessions in Panchmarhi and Shimla. First, it is taking place at a time when we have been in government at the Centre for almost nine years. It is also taking place when we are not governing in a number of states and when we face serious challenges in states long considered our bastions. Second, the last nine years have been a period of tremendous economic growth, social change and technological innovation. New aspirations are manifesting themselves. They call for new responses.

There is yet another special dimension to this conclave. A significant number of participants are from the younger generation. This reflects our priorities and resonates with the demographic reality of our country.

Five broad themes

Friends, we have five broad themes to discuss today and tomorrow. First, the political challenges we face. Second, the emerging social and economic concerns that we should take note of and respond to. Third, issues relating to continued discrimination against and atrocities on women and children, and what more must be done for their empowerment. Fourth, India's changing role in a rapidly evolving regional and global environment. And fifth matters relating to the Party organization itself, especially those that have a bearing on our electoral performance. Without wanting to anticipate your deliberation I would like to share some thoughts with you on each of these themes.

The Congress has many distinctive characteristics and there are compelling arguments the Congress way of thinking and the Congress way of doing things. We are the only pan-Indian party, the only political party with a visible and vibrant position every village in every basti, in every mohalla of the country.

Inclusive by conviction

We have a proven track record of accomplishment. We appeal to all sections of society. We articulate and champion the concerns of all but especially of the weaker section - dalits, adivasis, minorities and women. We have always given the highest priority to the interests and concerns of farmers and agricultural labour. Inclusiveness for us is not a political ploy only to win elections or run governments. Inclusiveness is anchored in our conviction.

It is not the outcome of any compulsion as it may be for some of our political opponents. We are the only party witch believes that development and economic growth on the one hand, and social harmony and social justice on the other, are two sides of the same coin. But while we continue to be the nation's pre-eminent political party, we must admit that we now face increased competition and inroads have been made into our traditional support bases. There are some states where we have been out of office for too long. And although I do believe that being in power is not the sole purpose of political activity, this does have an adverse impact on our morale and organizational ability. In states in which we are in alliance, we have to strike a balance between respecting these alliances and ensuring that the party's rejuvenation is not compromised.

Impressive growth

Since 2004, the Congress-led UPA government under Dr. Manmohan Singhji's leadership has introduced truly revolutionary programmes and enacted historic legislation flowing from our manifesto. But in some states, the party has not been able to translate this into political support. I hope this will be discussed and that concrete suggestions will emerge. Economic growth over the past decade has been impressive.

This has had major impact on reducing poverty. But our fight against inequality and poverty is s continuing one. This is why it is important to sustain our poverty alleviation programmes. There are success stories of development in state after state. But it is also true that while the footprint of achievement is expanding - there are still parts of our country which remain backward. And it is also true that while the Centre releases huge financial resources to states, the impact depends significantly on implementation at the local level - which is often wanting. Our party must remain in the forefront in calling for urgent remedial actions.

We see various protest movements across the country, relating to land, forest, water and livelihood, tribal and gender issues. Our party must proactively take up these causes. Around one crore youth seek productive jobs year after year. No other country faces such a challenge. Mahatma Gandhi NREGA has demonstrated its utility in rural areas. But the country has to pay far greater attention to skilled employment, especially in semi-urban and urban areas. This requires us to be pragmatic in encouraging investment, which is the only way our employment goals can be achieved. It is the lack of employment that thwarts aspirations and also fuels frustration, crime and violence. Just a little over a decade ago, when we were not in government at the Centre, we has organized a large Mahila Sashaktikaran Adhiveshan in New Delhi.

We had prepared a specific agenda for action. Our UPA government has taken this agenda forward. New programmes have been launched. New laws have been enacted. The women's self-help group movement has received a huge impetus. There are now over 12 lakh elected women representatives in institution of local self-government.

Atrocities on women

But I must say with the greatest anguish and pain that discrimination against the girl child continues. Atrocities on women, both in urban and rural India, are a blot on our collective conscience and a matter of great shame. The way we still treat widows, the prevalence of female foeticide even in economically prosperous regions, the trafficking of children and women, brazen sexual harassment - these are all very disturbing trends that should shake and awaken us.

Gender issues are fundamental. They should be of concern to all of us. It is not just the Mahila Congress or women's organizations that should be in the forefront. The entire party must understand them, and bring them to the heart of our political activity and change mindsets. India's foreign policy has always had a vision, a vision of our country occupying its rightful place and exercising its unique influence in world affairs. That place and that influence will be significantly enhanced by successfully overcoming poverty, improving our economic performance, deepening our secular values, strengthening our democratic institutions and engaging constructively with the international community.

Relations with neighbours

Better and closer relations with our immediate neighbours will not only make for regional peace - they will also have a positive impact on some of our own border states. However, let us be clear. Our dialogue must be based on accepted principles of civilized behaviour. We will never compromise on our vigil and preparedness to deal with terrorism and threats on our borders.

Let me turn to some pressing organisational matter. It is not the case that we have squandered many opportunities that people are willing to give us simply because we have been unable to function as a disciplined and united team? In states where we are out of power especially, we should be coming together, setting aside personal ambitions and egos, and working cohesively so that the Party triumphs. Why do we forget the simple truth that in the Party's victory lies the victory of each and every one of us? Unity will come not from pious declarations of intent. It has to come from within. Unity is the cry of each and every worker of our great organization and it is our sacred duty to respond to it. We must build leadership at all levels, a leadership that is proactive and that is not afraid of moving forward, and taking up issues and programmes which highlight the concerns and aspirations of the people. Performance, not patronage, must be the ladder to advancement in the party.

Rising aspirations

And seeing so many of our younger colleagues here, I am tempted to say something on a subject that has always bothered me. And this relates to our lifestyles. Celebrating weddings, festivals and happy event is one thing - but what of lavish and ostentatious displays of wealth, pomp and status? Does this not beg the question, where is this wealth coming from? I hope that you will take this seriously and come up with suggestions and norms that we may all accept and adhere to. We have to recognize the new changing India, an India increasingly peopled by a younger, more aspirations, more impatient, more demanding and better educated generation.

This is a natural and welcome outcome of rapid economic and social change that has been brought about by the success of our programmes to educate, to empower and indeed to unshackle the oppressed and disadvantaged. Our youth is getting more assertive, it wants its voice to be heard. Across the length and breadth of our country, our people are expecting much more from their political parties. Aided by the tools of the modern world - television, social media, mobile phones and the Internet - today's India is better informed and better equipped to communicate. The laws that we devised, such as the Right to Information, and the technology we facilitated give the people the ability to seek more from their elected representatives : better delivery, stronger responsiveness, greater accountability and, ultimately, demonstrable integrity.

Our citizens are rightly fed up with the levels of corruption that they see in public life at high levels, but equally with the corruption they have to deal with in their daily lives. This is a phenomenon, a churning that we must understand and continue to respond to. We cannot allow our growing educated and middle-classes to be disillusioned and alienated from the political process.

Friends, we have much to think about, much to deliberate upon. I want all of you to speak your mind, to be free and frank in whatever you want to say. We are here on serious business which will determine our future. When we are done, we must go forward with a clear and unified sense of purpose. We must go from here recharges and reinvigorated. Let us get down to work straightaway.