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Vandalism in Mumbai
Chandigarh to Nainital |
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Punish the guilty
Gen Fonseka’s arrest
I and my “Adultery”
UP's ban on imported raw sugar proves helpful
Thinking beyond ‘identity’
Why no Punjabi Chair in JNU? Corrections and clarifications
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Vandalism in Mumbai
It
is a sad commentary on the credibility and effectiveness of the Maharashtra government that Mumbai’s theatre and multiplex owners chose to keep their booking windows closed for advance bookings of the Shah Rukh Khan starrer ‘My name is Khan’ despite assurances of protection from the police. The aggressive and defiant attitude of the Shiv Sainiks apparently drilled fear into the minds of exhibitors even though 1,600 party workers were rounded up for the record. The Government has shown typical lack of spine and will in not arresting the Shiv Sena bigwigs Raj Thackeray and Uddhav Thackeray whose provocative writings and speeches are responsible for goons belonging to the party taking to the streets and indulging in vandalism. It is this attitude of dealing with the leaders of the Shiv Sena and of its breakway group the MNS with kid gloves that has made them a law unto themselves to the detriment of people at large. It is indeed pathetic how the entire state is held to ransom by the Thackerays with the might of the administration watching by helplessly as though they are powerless before them. Significantly, within 24 hours of Chief Minister Ashok Chavan’s exaggerated bravado that he would not tolerate Shiv Sena vandalism, Mr Chavan called for ‘political dialogue’ to defuse the crisis arising from the party’s highhanded ways. This was after Mr Sharad Pawar, the President of NCP which is a coalition partner with the Congress and whose nominee holds the Home portfolio in the state, had met Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray on Sunday, ostensibly to convince him not to create obstacles for Australian cricketers’ participation in the Indian Premier League. Pawar’s meeting with the Shiv Sena supremo doubtlessly sent out wrong signals to the people, making them wonder if they would be protected by the administration against Shiv Sena goons if they defied their diktat. The film that has invited Shiv Sena’s misplaced wrath is due for release on Friday across the country. The least that the Chavan government must do is to ensure that the theatres and multiplexes that are slated to screen the film are able to do so. With its credibility being low, the Maharashtra administration has a job on hand in convincing the exhibitors to feel secure. It is indeed vital that Bal Thackeray’s bluff be called and he be made duly accountable to law.
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Chandigarh to Nainital
Punjab
and Haryana High Court Judge Justice Nirmal Yadav’s transfer to the Uttarakhand High Court in Nainital has expectedly raised doubts among the public on the questionable manner in which the Rs 15-lakh cash-at-door scam has been investigated by the CBI. The CBI has closed the probe peremptorily following its failure to get official sanction for the judge’s prosecution. The CJI owes it to the people to disclose the report of the three-judge in-house committee that found prima facie truth in the allegations concerning the cash-at-door scam against Justice Yadav. The committee, set up by the CJI himself, consisted of Chief Justice H.L. Gokhale of the Allahabad High Court, Chief Justice K.S. Radhakrishnan of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court (now Judge of the Supreme Court) and Justice Madan B. Lokur of the Delhi High Court. In its report, the committee, an internal mechanism evolved by the judiciary and whose probe was independent of the CBI’s investigation, reportedly said that Justice Yadav’s action was “unbecoming of a judge and amounted to impropriety and misconduct”. Indeed, there is widespread public impression that Justice Yadav was really the judge for whom the tainted money was to be delivered. That impression has not yet been allayed till date because the CJI has not made the report of the committee public. Nor has he given any reason for keeping it confidential. It is in the fitness of things that leading legal luminaries — former Supreme Court Judge Justice Kuldip Singh, former Delhi High Court Chief Justice R.N. Aggarwal, former Allahabad High Court Chief Justice S.S. Sodhi and former Sikkim High Court Chief Justice M.S. Gujral — have sought “full disclosure” of the report, voicing concern over the way the scam has virtually been closed. Interestingly, Justice Yadav’s transfer to Nainital comes a day after the Punjab and Haryana High Court Bar Association’s decision to appeal to the President and the Union Law Minister to rectify the “grave miscarriage of justice” following the abrupt closure of the CBI probe. Clearly, if Justice Nirmal Yadav is unfit to serve the Punjab and Haryana High Court, she does not become a perfect judge to serve the Uttarakhand High Court at Nainital. Questions about the integrity of a judge — whether she serves in Chandigarh or Nainital — remain unanswered.
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Punish the guilty
Srinagar
was already on the boil on February 5 following the death of a schoolboy by a teargas shell thrown by the police during an anti-government protest in the old city on January 31. A few school students were returning home near the Nishat area after a cricket match they were to play got washed out because of rain. They happened to boo a convoy of the security forces that was passing by. Suddenly there was firing from one of the vehicles, which claimed the life of 16-year-old Zahid Farooq, a Class X student. That led to protests and complete shutdown all across the valley. Eyewitnesses had told the police that those who fired on Zahid were travelling in a vehicle with the insignia of a hangul (red deer), which is found on vehicles of the Border Security Force. The BSF initially denied the allegation. But in a rare reversal on Wednesday, it admitted the involvement of one of its men in the killing. This followed an internal inquiry which revealed, prima facie, the possibility of constable Lakhwinder of 68 Battalion being involved. The jawan was suspended and handed over to the police, which is investigating the incident. Such a murder should not have taken place at all. But since it did, it is necessary to complete the investigation in the shortest possible time and mete out adequate punishment. A murder is a murder, even if it is committed by a man in uniform. In fact, such outrage by a person belonging to a disciplined force makes it all the more heinous. It is also necessary to investigate involvement of any other personnel or officer in the incident. The killed boy’s family has alleged that Zahid was shot by an officer, not a constable. This allegation too must be impartially looked into. It is really odd that the gun was fired by one constable and none of the other occupants was aware of it, as claimed by BSF officials. There should be no attempt to shield any of the guilty.
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Old friends are best. King James used to call for his old shoes; they were easiest for his feet. — John Selden
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Gen Fonseka’s arrest The arrest of General Sarath Fonseka, now described as former Army Commander and defeated presidential candidate, is a turning point in relations between civil and military camps and ruling and opposition political parties in Sri Lanka. It has resulted in the extreme politicisation and division of the armed forces. In reality, it is a proxy war between the President’s all-powerful brother and Defence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa, a former Army Colonel from the Gajabha Regiment and for him, his much despised batchmate, General Fonseka. For all his faults, General Fonseka is being seen as a victim of personal revenge and political vendetta. The last thing President Rajapaksa wants the Sri Lankans to see is a war hero’s wife, the sobbing Anoma Fonseka, complaining about how Army soldiers (from the Gajabha Regiment) dragged her husband from his office. The humiliating arrest of General Fonseka is the approximate equivalent of the possible arrest of Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw following the military victory in 1971 after his relations with the government touched a low point. The Rajapaksa brothers waited a full two weeks after the presidential election before striking at General Fonseka ensuring that the stage was set for his denoument. An unprecedented purge of General Fonseka’s supporters in the Army was followed by threats to try him for military offences. On the night of his arrest (February 8) General Fonseka dared the government to arrest him on charges of toppling the government and said: “I challenge President Rajapaksa to take me into custody if he can”. The words proved prophetic. General Fonseka is being court-martialled for offences while he was Army Commander and Chief of Defence Staff before he retired in November 2009. The charges served to him at the time of arrest were: politicking while in uniform, harbouring 1500 deserters while in service and corruption in military procurement. Still graver are charges of a conspiracy against the government and plans to assassinate President Rajapaksa and his family. The government has been paranoid about a military takeover for some time now. In an interview with the BBC before his arrest, General Fonseka threatened to divulge government secrets, including its role in the alleged war crimes. He revealed that he had signed an affidavit which would be made public after his death which he believed was what the government was planning. Why is the government so concerned about a defeated presidential candidate who had decided to contest parliamentary elections? President Rajapaksa does not want General Fonseka, the popular war hero, to once again become the rallying point for the opposition parties denying his UPFA a thumping majority in Parliament. He fears that General Fonseka knows too much which could be embarrassing for the government if divulged during the election campaign. The court-martial will give a fast-track verdict barring him from elections and sentencing him to jail, ensuring that an out-of-sight General Fonseka is also out of people’s minds. The political corrosion of the military is likely to destroy the professional and democratic fabric of the fighting forces. Not factored in the presidential election was the unprecedented role played by the armed forces, serving and retired officers, on behalf of the two contestants. Never in the history of elections in this region have officers — the Army Commander appeared on TV — and the men in uniform actively supported the incumbent President. In the purge, 37 officers, from Major-General to Major, were reshuffled and 14 others, including five Major-Generals, compulsorily retired. Many others are being investigated besides Army deserters who could face the death sentence. What this and the ignominious arrest of the former Army Chief will do to the morale of soldiers is anyone’s guess. Already heavily politicised, the armed forces will never be the same again. Thirty years of war, a final no-holds-barred military campaign last year and the militarised presidential election have deeply politicised and divided the Army. The strategic decision after defeating the LTTE not to devolve power under the 13th Amendment to the Tamils earned President Rajapaksa the landslide Sinhalese vote. It appears the national question of power-sharing will remain on the back burner. President Rajapaksa has demonstrated during the war that he won’t be pushed by any country in compromising on national sovereignty. Not lagging behind in defending national sovereignty is Gothabaya Rajapaksa. In a BBC interview last week, he went near-hysterical, repudiating allegations of war crimes and human rights violations emphatically rejecting any call from UN or whoever to hold an enquiry. “As long as I am the Defence Secretary, no investigation will be held,” he repeated four times. His name is linked to arms deals and allegedly the order he gave to Maj-General Shaminda Silva to shoot LTTE political leaders holding white flags, wishing to surrender on May 18/19, 2009. So, what can we expect from the Rajapaksa II regime, ending 2017? The executive Presidency and family rule will be consolidated. Emergency laws are likely to remain to deter the resurgence of the LTTE. The fear factor among opposition groups will rise manifold. Journalists will lie low, disappearances will not discontinue and the dreaded white van will not change its colour. Forget the 13th Amendment, the Tamils will be lucky to secure the equivalent of Panchayati Raj. President Rajapaksa’s UPFA is aiming for the impossible — a two-thirds majority in parliamentary elections due in April this year. According to proportional representation pundits, based on his personal popularity, winning 150 seats in a House of 225 is possible. Even if short of the magic figure, he has shown rare dexterity in triggering defections. With the Tigers decimated, India is no longer a factor in Sri Lanka’s strategic calculcus. For the last 30 years, Sri Lankans had been paranoid of India — an existential threat coupled with intervention. Delhi’s failure to sign the Defence Cooperation Agreement and refusal to supply offensive military hardware brought Colombo closer to Islamabad and Beijing. New players have entered the scene: Iran, Libya, Palestine and Myanmar. President Rajapaksa has made a decisive shift in foreign policy, from the West to the East. He is hailed as the first President to defy the West. India should expect no political payback for its strategic support to Sri Lanka in winning the war. As for putting General Fonseka in military custody, it could prove a fatal error for the Rajapaksa
brothers.
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I and my “Adultery” I
heard a knock at my door. As I opened it, Thakurji instantly asked: “How is Umrekka-Shamrikka?” That was his style of greeting me after my return from the US. I used the American expression, “Doing good, green shoots are visible there after recession.” We sat for little chat over a cup of tea. I do not know whether he writes his surname as Mehta or Verma or Chauhan but I call him Thakurji and he accepts it and addresses me as Panditji. He is my neighbour and an educated farmer who relishes interjecting self-tailored English in conversation. Spoken in Pahari accent, his English has a special tang. I asked him about his welfare during my absence. He replied, “Happy – I and my adultery.” Observing the contour-change in my countenance he said, “Nothing to worry Panditji. Me Buddha (old) is adult and Buddhri (old lady in Pahari) is adultery. Ha! Ha! Ha!” His laughter was raucous. I asked him whether he had ever been abroad. He replied, “This mouth and Masoor lentil. Farthest up to Delhi. I was cautioned beforehand, ‘beware of pocket-cutters’ there, and as I got down the Kalka-Howrah gaddi, I had one hand in my purse-pocket, jhola in the other and eyes on the coolie carrying my trunk. I could not keep the coordination for long and, in the effort, lost my jhola in station-crowd. “Panditji, it was there that, for the first time, I felt census figures were right. So-o-o many people as if the world and his wife lives there. We Paharis are square pegs in round hole of Delhi – feel bad or good but, I say, Rajdhani is a big hole. If you have to fit in there, first be round and then go. I could cope with the hulla-gulla for two days only. So, I am a two-day Delhi returned hilly-folk, Panditji. That ends my travelogue.” Knowing that he has studied political science and also has interest in the State politics, I asked, “How is your government functioning?” He replied, “Everybody is busy in straightening his own owl, the husband eaters.” I faltered in catching him and asked: “Husband eaters?” He said, “Yes, khasma nu khane.” He was angry because it did not rain on time and his crops failed. He blamed the government for it. His logic was that when injustice increases on the earth, the God too indulges in injustices so that when life here becomes ‘solitary, poor, brutish, nasty and short’, Bhagwan takes the avatar and he believed that it was time for Kalki to come. When he got up to depart, I asked, “Where to now? To bazaar?” “No Panditji, a Muslim priest’s run is up to his mosque. Going home to enjoy the ‘foods’ of adultery. Ha! Ha! Ha!” The laughter was raucous
again.
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UP's ban on imported raw sugar proves helpful Uttar Pradesh's decision to ban the processing of imported duty-free raw sugar for the current crushing season is bearing positive results, vindicating the Mayawati government's judgement of the issue. When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told the conference of chief ministers in New Delhi about certain state governments adding to the problem of increasing sugar prices by not allowing the processing of imported raw sugar, in all likelihood he was briefed otherwise. Despite a shortfall of sugarcane production in the state the production of processed white sugar is expected to match last year's production figures of 40 lakh metric tonnes. The area under sugarcane cultivation this autumn season has also shot up from 32,000 hectares to 48,000 hectares. The farmers' lobby, represented by Mahendra Singh Tikait's Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU) and VM Singh's Rashtriya Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan(RKMS), minces no words in expressing its gratitude to the Mayawati government for this timely decision. V M Singh said that the decision by the state government was on the demand of the state's sugarcane farmers, who had decided on this at the mahapanchayat held in Bareilly on October 29. "To protect his vested interests, Union Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar has purposely misled the PM on this issue. This decision of the Mayawati government, in fact, gave the sugarcane farmers' lobby a strong bargaining position. Else the sugar mills were preparing to ruin us this year by refusing to pay us remunerative prices and undermining our interests by flooding the market with cheaper duty-free imported raw sugar. Charging Pawar with making a mess of the sugar price situation in the country in order to protect certain vested interests, Singh, who was the Congress candidate against Varun Gandhi in Pilibhit during the Lok Sabha elections, admitted that despite being a Congressman he is fully with the BSP government on this issue. Dittoing these sentiments, BKU representative Yudhvir Singh said that if the Mayawati government is put under any kind of pressure for this decision, they are prepared to stand solidly behind it. "The sugarcane farmer of the state is grateful to the Mayawati government as this one decision has exposed the conspiracy of the sugar lobby extending even beyond the national boundaries to make the country dependent on imported sugar," claimed the BKU representative. Sharing the background of the state government's decision state Cane Commissioner Sudhir M Bobde said that on October, 30-31, 2009, irate sugarcane farmers had held up trains and damaged railway property at Shamli railway station in Muzaffarnagar. They had set afire bags of sugarcane imported by Bajaj Hindustan Sugar Mills. The BKU had given a call to the farmers to burn the imported sugar. Sugarcane farmers were also agitated at the state's advised price (SAP) of Rs 165 to 170 per quintal that they said was less than their expectation. In view of the law and order problem, Bobde had written to the Railway Board requesting it to discontinue the use of railway rakes to bring in the imported sugar to the sugar mills from Kandla in Gujarat, where it had been offloaded. Responding to the demand of the 40-lakh strong sugarcane farmers the state government on November 4 endorsed the decision not to allow railway rakes for bringing in imported raw sugar and extended it till the end of the current crushing season. This hurt the sugar mills badly as it undermined their strategy of denying state sugarcane farmers remunerative prices by hanging Damocles' sword in the form of processing imported raw sugar. Mayawati also directed her officers to ensure that the mill owners not only provide the cane growers payment of the SAP but also additional facilities at the earliest. Deprived of the raw sugar stick to beat the farmers with, the sugar mills came around to giving the farmers Rs 25 as an additional benefit over and above the Rs 165 SAP and the sugarcane crushing season started in earnest. "Our preliminary estimate was to reach 36.1 lakh metric tonne production this year which was slightly less than last year's 40 lakh metric tonnes. But now our revised estimates indicate that the production should touch last year's level minus or plus 2 per cent," claimed Bobde. This was made possible despite the total area under sugarcane production coming down in the state by 17 per cent from 21.40 lakh hectares in 2008-09 to 17.88 lakh hectares in 2009-10. Added to this were the poor and late rainfall and foggy conditions from December-end to January-end. The other heartening development has been the increase in the area under sugarcane cultivation during the autumn season from 32,000 hectares last year to 48,000 hectares this season, which indicates the confidence of the sugarcane farmer in the state's sugarcane policy. However, with the current sugarcane crushing season officially coming to an end by February, the sugarcane mills are gearing up once again to start processing imported duty-free raw sugar. The Simbhawali group of sugar mills is already offloading raw sugar by road to two of its mills in Simbahwali and Brijnathpur in Ghaziabad. In anticipation some mills have started storing the residual cane-waste or bagasse used as fuel during the crushing season. Others have installed coal converters or ordered coal in advance so that work on processing of the imported duty-free raw sugar can start as soon as the crushing season comes to an end in
February.
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Thinking beyond ‘identity’ Marathi Manoos, niz Goenkar, Punjab da Puttar, Bengali babu, Telegu Bidda….If "identity" were just such a short delimiting label, we would be a nation of imbeciles. WE ARE NOT! "Identity" is something that forms naturally as we grow up and experience life. It is formed by the socio-economic-cultural-historical ethos of our times. Do we want to keep that context very localised and parochial, pertaining only to our small state, religion, caste or language; or do we want to look at ourselves as part of a larger whole that not only comprises our local context but our national one, and, in this shrinking world, an international context too? In philosophic terms as well, there is no sense of an "I" unless there is the "other". We are products of a mixed society and have an identity in context to that society. Whether we adhere An oil crisis in the Gulf hits economies around the world. An African-American President coming to power in America is a liberation of sorts from racial prejudices for the whole world. What Marx wrote in the last century was sought to build many socialist economies. The concentration camps live on in the collective consciousness of all of us. Red China, insecure America, racist Australia, the fall of Russia, Palestine issues, the Kashmir problem, the Gujarat riots, the Maoist rebellion, avant-garde literature, modernism, post-modernism, Google, cell phones, Bt brinjal, Hollywood, Bollywood, climate chane and environmental havoc – all contribute in forming our "identity". Amidst this vast ocean of "identity" forming factors, our state, our caste, and our religion are just too miniscule to count. However, when you deliberately want to live in a cocoon because you are aware you do not have much of an identity anyway, you seek haven in being a Marathi manoos. And once you do that, you are bound to see and expect your followers to see – a man brought up in India, who is the general secretary of the Congress, only as a "Rome Putra". What is the purity of race, caste and religion in our times? Can we after thousands of years of inter-mixing of races, ideas and culture, proclaim we belong to a high caste or low caste or Aryan or Dravidian race? And do we form an "identity" based on that alone? Then what about our individual experiences, our childhood dreams, our youthful aspirations, our wisdom in mellower years,? What about the school we went to, the careers we took up and the choices we made? Were they all done keeping our caste, religion or state in mind? Obviously not. Finally, how is it that a handful of people are able to keep the financial capital of one of the world's fastest-growing economies on hold, indulge in hooliganism, threaten to disrupt a movie screening, announce their identity and differentiate it from the rest of the nation, not on the basis of progress or ideology or ethics, but on the fact that they merely happened to be born in that state. A country like ours need not just a powerful but a responsible opposition party with a well-defined ideology based on socio-economic issues. As a country we should refuse to be influenced by people who neglect these basic issues of our lives and constantly harp on "identity"- whether religious, caste based or regional. We cannot be a nation of illiterate, homeless, below poverty line, unhappy people, and content to live in cocoons of regional identities. As an individual, my identity is the memory of all the experiences I have had, the books that I read, and the people I have met. It is as much in the enchanting early morning call of "Allah ho Akbar" in my childhood in Delhi, as it is in the pleasant sacred ringing of Church bells in my present Goan neighbourhood. It is as much in the warmth of my Tamilian friend's mother feeding me dosas as it is in the hospitality of a wayside Punjabi dhaba. It is a common ground in every human heart that we all wish to seek; a common identity that brings people together as humans, in spite of all the beautiful
diversity.
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Why no Punjabi Chair in JNU? It
has recently been discussed in the media that Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, is still to start a Punjabi Chair in its Centre of Indian Languages. Why has it been so when Punjabi with its more than 120 million speakers in India, Pakistan, the UK, the USA, Canada and many other countries figures as the 11th most-spoken language of the world in linguistic data? In 2004 the then Vice Chancellor, Prof G.K. Chadha, approved the study of Bengali, Tamil, Marathi and Punjabi in the Centre of Indian languages with the provision that respective state governments should provide funds to begin language studies. The Tamil Nadu Government was the first to respond with the grant of Rs 50 lakh. The new Vice Chancellor, Prof B.B. Bhattacharya, transferred a post for the Bengali Chair from the university pool. So faculty was recruited for both Bengali and Tamil positions in 2007 and Tamil studies started, though Bengali studies could not start as the Bengali Professor had to leave for domestic reasons. The Maharashtra Government also sanctioned Rs 1.5 crore for a Marathi Chair. The UGC on its own sanctioned an Assamese Chair. The response to Prof Chadha’s letter to the Amarinder Singh government in Punjab came in 2008 during the present Akali government when Education Secretary Anjali Bhawra expressed the Punjab government’s desire to start Punjabi studies in JNU. She had a telephonic conversation also with me, but was unsure of providing Rs 3 crore grant demanded by JNU. As a former colleague in Punjabi University, Patiala, I sent a mail message to the Education Minister of Punjab, Dr. Upinderjit Kaur, for her help to establish a Punjabi Chair in JNU during my chairmanship of the centre, which is to expire this July (2010). I did not get any response. In the meantime, a proposal to upgrade the Centre of Indian Languages to the school level gained momentum and the present School of Languages Board of Studies unanimously recommended its upgradation in April, 2007. The university also established a high-level committee of academicians to look into it and this committee recommended the establishment of a School of Indian Languages. The matter is now under consideration of the Academic Council, which is likely to meet in February. The Centre of Indian Languages again reiterated its demand to establish a Centre for Punjabi studies in the proposed School of Indian Languages in its December 2009 meeting. Posts of Professor for Bengali, Marathi and Assamese have been advertised and can be filled any time and programmes in these languages can start thereafter. Out of the four languages approved during Prof G.K. Chadha’s term as Vice Chancellor, three stands included, only Punjabi stands still left out, which should be matter of concern for all lovers of Punjabi language, literature and culture. The introduction of Punjabi studies as part of other Indian languages becomes a matter of prestige and Punjab is bound to be embarrassed if Punjabi studies does not begin in JNU because of a financial crunch when the Prime Minister and the HRD minister both come from Punjabi background apart from Information Minister Ambika Soni, Sports Minister M.S. Gill, and Water Resources Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal. When Delhi Chief Minister Shiela Dixit takes pride in being a Punjabi lover and the Delhi government, its Punjabi academy, has lots of funds and it can very well fund a Punjabi Chair in JNU if the Punjab Government cannot. Looking at the financial crunch of the Punjab Government coming in the way of funding a Punjabi Chair in JNU, despite its willingness to do so, I wrote letters to Mr H.K. Dua, a newly nominated member of the Rajya Sabha, and Mr Tarlochan Singh already a member of the Rajya Sabha, both strong Punjab supporters, to impress upon the Central Government or the UGC to fund a Punjabi Chair. Both promised help in the matter. Let us hope that the year 2010 will get Punjabi its due at the national scene by starting its studies in the internationally renowned Jawaharlal Nehru University.n The writer is the Chairperson, Centre of Indian
Languages, JNU.
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Corrections and clarifications
Despite our earnest endeavour to keep The Tribune error-free, some errors do creep in at times. We are always eager to correct them. This column appears twice a week — every Tuesday and Friday. We request our readers to write or e-mail to us whenever they find
any error. Readers in such cases can write to Mr Kamlendra Kanwar, Senior Associate Editor, The Tribune, Chandigarh, with the word “Corrections”
on the envelope. His e-mail ID is kanwar@tribunemail.com. H.K. Dua
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