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Secrets on sale Salute to Garima |
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Lalu’s cross
India votes for Shashi Tharoor
Bits and pieces of happiness!
Neighbour trouble Politics spoiling tryst with
Sikh destiny Chatterati
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Secrets on sale WHEN the naval war room leak was detected in May last year, a systematic attempt was made to underplay its significance. The information that went out was not all that important, it was suggested. At worst, it was claimed, it was an isolated security breach. But with the passage of time, it has come to be known that it was anything but that. On the contrary, there are sufficient reasons to believe that there was organised subversion by officers from various wings of armed forces and the Defence Ministry to help foreign and Indian armament companies. Very senior officers were leaking sensitive classified information regarding arms purchases in return for money or gifts. The CBI, which conducted raids on 19 premises on Friday, now says that there is a “larger conspiracy”. Since the raids have come more than a year after the detection of the crime, it may not be possible to get the necessary evidence because most of it may already have been destroyed, but still, the documents seized during the raids may help in retracing the trail of the horrifying crime, which compromises the security of the nation. When officers of the rank of a naval Commander are found to be engaged in such activities, one cannot help agreeing with the allegation that the Indian defence establishment leaks like a sieve. Ironically, this is not the only incident of this kind. Several army officers had exposed their greed in the Tehelka scandal as well. All these point to a serious rot, that has set in the services where security consciousness is a creed. The country not only wants to know what has been done to weed out such moles and wheeler-dealers, it also wants to be reassured that everything possible has been done to minimise the damage caused by their perfidy. Arms purchase is a sensitive issue. Through such commercial espionage, armament manufacturers can coerce the country into purchasing dubious items. That can tell on the quality of defence preparedness. A thorough overhaul of security apparatus at the service headquarters is called for. Unless of course the Government of India has applied for membership of the Transparency International.
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Salute to Garima GARIMA GODARA is the daughter of a lowly police constable. She did not enjoy many of the comforts that students belonging to upper classes take for granted. Her parents valued the importance of education and did everything possible to help Garima achieve her full potential. She did not let them down. She scored 97.6 per cent marks, a record in Delhi, in the CBSE Class X examination. Like all students and their parents, she too wanted to study in one of the best schools. With great hopes she applied for admission to Delhi Public School, Dwarka, situated at a walking distance from her house. DPS, which usually invites bright students from other schools to join it to show good results in the +2 examination, turned down Garima's application because she could not speak "good" English. However, those who heard Garima take part in a television programme were impressed by her reasonably good command of English. She could not only answer all questions in that language but also hold forth in it. So, why was she not selected? Perhaps, the DPS authorities did not like her accent. But then, is there any standard of accent in this country or, for that matter, anywhere in the world? Accent varies from state to state and place to place. The fault with Garima was that she learnt English unlike many others who inherited it from their parents. When the spotlight turned on the DPS, the school did a somersault and invited Garima to take admission there. But she was made of sterner stuff and refused the belated offer. In India, English is, no doubt, a major asset for any person but giving it excessive importance is counterproductive as Garima's case highlights. Today, a person who can speak good English can get a job, clinch a deal and fool anybody. It would not be grossly wrong to say that the smart Alecs of the day are often those who speak the English language fluently. While schools and colleges should encourage students to speak the language, they should not use it against meritorious students like Garima Godara. Schools, particularly the so-called public schools, should not allow prejudice to block admissions to the deserving.
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Lalu’s cross IF the train does not come on the platform, the platform should go to the train. Even in zest, one cannot say this in India. For there are in India men with an exaggerated sense of self-importance who might insist on mobile platforms for transporting them to a train on another track. Now, Railway Minister Lalu Prasad’s brothers-in-law didn’t do that. They only wanted that the train should come on the platform where they were waiting because it would diminish their status to board the train from the platform where it arrives as scheduled. It is now reported that last week, one of Mr Prasad’s brothers-in-law, Mr Subhash Yadav was waiting on platform No. 1 to board the Rajdhani Express to Delhi. Unfortunately, for him the train arrived on platform No. 3. Mr Yadav demanded that the train be brought to the platform where he was since such “courtesy” was extended to (other) VIPs. The officials at the station obliged Mr Yadav, and defend their decision saying that arrivals of trains on an unscheduled platform is not all that unusual as is being made out. A day later, another brother-in-law of the Railway Minister, the much-celebrated Mr Sadhu Yadav, is said to have made a similar demand but without much success. Railway officials may have to kowtow to the Railway Minister. But do they have to minister to the whims and fancies of his family members, too, by towing the trains to where they want? Mr Lalu Prasad’s performance as Railway Minister has been exceptional; he is rated — for whatever such ratings by the media are worth — as the second best performing member of Dr Manmohan Singh’s Cabinet. The turnaround of the finances of Indian Railways, innovations in reservation methods, incentives for freight booking, improved amenities and upgrades to vacant berths in higher classes, have enhanced Mr Lalu Prasad’s image. He has forgotten to come out with platforms that can be moved for the convenience of his brothers-in-law. Apparently, trouble is brewing in his backyard. Or is it just a question of TRP ratings at home?
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The hardest challenge is to be yourself in a world where everyone is trying to make you be somebody else. — E.E. Cummings
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India votes for Shashi Tharoor IF the election of the UN
Secretary General were to be held in India today, Shashi Tharoor would win by acclamation. The entire spectrum of political leadership from the left to the right, not to speak of the government, lined up to extend support. The media just lapped up the handsome, articulate, brilliant and young international civil servant and writer and focused national attention on him for three days to the neglect of other national and international news. In Kerala, particularly in his ancestral village in Palakkad, the atmosphere was nothing less than euphoric, as though their proud son had already become the Secretary General. As a public supporter of Tharoor’s nomination long before the decision was taken, I was in great demand in the media, but my cautious optimism about his chances was out of tune with the general atmosphere of jubilation. Tharoor himself acknowledged that Keralites had not left anything more to do if he actually won the race. Although the Tharoor visit raised expectations to unrealistically high levels, it served an extremely useful purpose. By deftly handling the media, an area in which he is an adept, he answered virtually all the frequently asked questions on his candidature. The question, which was uppermost in the minds of the intelligentsia, was the impact his candidature would have on India’s quest for permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Tharoor did not sound pessimistic about India’s chances of securing permanent membership, but said as much when he said that the two campaigns were independent of each other in substance and timing. Campaigning for a good candidate within the UN system for the Secretary General is different from seeking permanent membership, which brings our entire past and possible future behaviour under scrutiny. It is also true that no expansion is likely to take place during the next 10 years that the next Secretary General will be in place. As for the unwritten convention that permanent members do not provide Secretaries General, the logic is that there will be too much power concentrated in one country if a veto-wielding permanent member also had the Secretary General’s position. It will also be incongruous if a situation arises in which the Secretary General makes a proposal and his own country vetoes it. In the case of India, it has already conceded that we shall not seek the veto for the next 15 years even if we become a permanent member. Just like the non-permanent members, permanent members without veto from the serving Secretary General’s country can safely serve on the council. Whether an Indian Secretary General will enhance India’s chances to become a permanent member, one can only presume that any new feather in our cap, like an Indian Secretary General, will contribute to our prestige in the world. A cynical question that arose was as to what use an Indian Secretary General would be for India to advance its interests in the UN. Tharoor made it clear that he would not be an “agent” of India. He would only be the Secretary General of 191 countries and rightly so. India’s own approach to the UN has not been one of seeking anything from the UN, but of giving something to it. After we hastily took the Kashmir issue to the UN and learnt our lesson, we do not take bilateral problems to the UN and we do not encourage others to do so. India’s contribution will continue to be sharing of ideas and experiences to develop common consensus positions on global issues. On the question of Kashmir, we will continue to maintain that the UN role there is an anachronism even if we have an Indian Secretary General, who, hopefully, will not like to meddle in it. If, on the other hand, the Security Council were to seek to intervene in Kashmir, we shall have to meet the challenge on our own. It matters little what the Secretary General’s nationality would be at that time. A thorough examination of the activities of the different Secretaries General is essential to see whether they have been able to do any favours to their respective countries in terms of increasing the number of their nationals in the Secretariat or of establishing UN offices in their countries. Kurt Waldheim has the reputation of having filled the Secretariat with Austrians and of developing Vienna as a major international centre. Perhaps he was the only one who kept an Austrian chef de cabinet. It was a Latin American Secretary General, who had an Indian as the head of his office. Indians in high positions in the Secretariat tend to be extra cautious in steering clear of such allegations and Tharoor will be no exception. Many questions were raised about Tharoor’s chances and he projected an optimistic picture. No country of India’s stature and no individual of his experience would jump into the fray without making a realistic assessment of the possibility of success. He may not have explicitly stated it, but the story in New York was that one or two permanent members had “encouraged” him and none had “discouraged” him. These words have specific connotations, because it is the encouragement or otherwise of the permanent members during the straw polls that will determine the longevity of the candidatures. There could also be cases where permanent members might encourage candidates and eventually veto them, not because they had anything against them, but because they preferred somebody else. We should not read too much into India winning the largest number of votes in the General Assembly during the elections to the Human Right Council or the Economic and Social Council. India’s presence in these bodies is considered fundamental for their success. The same votes may not be cast if India seeks something else, say, permanent membership of the Security Council. Tharoor’s competence and India’s strong backing are the assets that should prompt us to be optimistic. On the question of reform also Tharoor struck the right note. He did not promise to rid the organisation of undue U.S. influence or great power domination. Nor did he hold out any hopes for the General Assembly to a play a more decisive role in the election of the Secretary General. He is reconciled to the fact that the permanent members, particularly the United States, will play a key role in choosing the next Secretary General. On questions of his present level and age, Tharoor had interesting statistics to offer. Although a Deputy Prime Minister and a Foreign Minister are on offer this time, most of the previous Secretaries General were officials or diplomats. Trygve Lie was an exiled minister in a wartime Norwegian Government and even Boutros Ghali was an appointed minister, not an elected one. As for age, Hammarskjöld was younger than Tharoor when he became Secretary General and the Thai candidate is younger to him by two years. He did not say it, but Nafis Sadik, the potential Pakistani candidate is older to him by a quarter of a century (Her UN resume does not mention her age.) and that is a plus point for him. India and Tharoor have entered the race knowing well that it is a gamble, but after taking into account the risk factors. The ensuing campaign should not be to convince the 191 members, but to evolve a consensus in Asia. Even the permanent members will hesitate to use the veto against a consensus Asian candidate. Among the declared Asian candidates, Tharoor has the best profile. India has voted overwhelmingly for Tharoor and that should be satisfying for a person who has lived abroad and served the UN most of his life. But he should be conscious that it is only one vote and he has to secure 190 more before he reaches the finishing
line. The writer is a former Indian Ambassador with considerable experience in the UN.
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Bits and pieces of happiness! MOST of us go through life looking for a big opportunity to prove how heroic we are. That opportunity never comes and we pass through life without realising our cherished wish. This is applicable to our quest for happiness, too. We yearn for big events which may bring wholesale pleasure whereas we ignore hundreds of minor things and happenings which do bring happiness. I am getting ready to go out for an important piece of work. It is raining hard. I am depressed, spirits drenched. By the time, I am finally spruced up, the rain, inexplicably, stops, Pleasure bounces in my blood. I attempt a “middle”. The words flow smoothly as if water out of a spring. A sense of elation which follows only when an important task is accomplished. Such bits of pleasure are common to us all but we fail to notice them. They are important because they singularise us, as it were. It is in them that the delicate lines of distinction between human beings are drawn. Everyone drinks tea. If someone says that about himself, he does not say much. But a stranger tells you at a wayside “dhaba” that he loves his tea with cloves and dalchini, as you do, a unique profile of this stranger begins to trace in your mind. Maybe, a life-long
friendship is struck. You feel joyous. Andre Maurois observes: if you compliment an army General on a big victory, he brushes it aside. Many have said that before. Praise his scarf, probably given by his girl, and see the radiance on his face. When Charles Lamb said that the greatest pleasure he knew was to do a action by stealth and have it found out by accident, he was sampling and stamping this theme. By the way, it was Charles Lamb who said that one great pleasure in life came to him from the peculiar smell of old musty books! I share this pleasure with him. Those who have the (mis) fortune of knowing me will bear out that I am “soft” in arithmetical calculations. Yet, I am struck with delight that I can add and subtract. Happiness is a will-o’-the wisp. Hence we should devote a few minutes each day to recalling life’s minor pleasures which total into happiness. They can be among the most glowing of life’s happenings. Bits and pieces are important for making the life
mosaic.
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Neighbour trouble RECENT developments in Nepal and Sri Lanka are danger signals to India’s security. First, both the neighbouring States are in effect India’s security outposts. Secondly, internecine violence and domestic unrest in the countries are threatening to spill over. The seven-party ruling alliance headed by Girija Prasad Koirala has been able to induce the Maoists to join the Government in Kathmandu, following the dissolution of the restored Parliament. The interim government is to hold elections for a constituent assembly that will frame a constitution for a republican Nepal. That the country needs a new constitution to suit a post-monarchical situation goes without saying, but the Maoist obsession with scrapping the restored parliament can be a recipe for a political vacuum. Whether the Constituent Assembly goes along with the Maoists in scrapping the Constitutional monarchy or lets it remain as a symbol, the days of hereditary monarchs holding sway over the 23 million people of the Himalayan State are over, for good. No tears will be shed for this denouement in the light of the 13th king’s public and private conduct and flair for usurpation of authority. Here again the ultimate shape of the monarchy is less relevant than the availability of institutions to keep the country united and going. In this context, the legacy of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, founder of Nepal at the beginning of the 18th century, is too precious for Nepal to throw away in a huff. He endowed the institution of monarchy with both spiritual and temporal powers, so that it became a symbol of national unity. Many Nepalese still revere monarchy as a manifestation of spiritual authority associated with the deity, Lord Pasupathinath. Prithvi Narayan Shah’s successors, notably King Ram Shah, father of the ruling dynasty, and more recently King Tribhuvan, nurtured Nepal into a modern state. In short, it is not a family fabricated dynasty for keeping its members in power. No wonder, therefore, that Nehru, no apologist for monarchy, ensured its rescue from usurpation by the Ranas in the 1950s. India provided temporary shelter for the king and many of his family members in New Delhi during the brief transition. Thus was retrieved the instrument of national unity, providing the ideological glue for a unique Hindu-Buddhist civilisation, enveloping local Newar and Gorkha cultural streams. Similarly, in 1962, when King Mahendra abrogated the Parliamentary system after dismissing and detaining the elected Prime Minister Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala, Nehru did not hesitate to voice his anguish even at the risk of alienating the king. As it happened, King Mahendra started cozying up to China and Pakistan to spite India in the wake of its military debacle in a border conflict with China. Nehru’s motive was to keep the institution of monarchy above short-term, geopolitical considerations. More eloquently, Nehru was on record identifying India’s security with that of the Himalayan kingdom. Against this background, two aspects of the Kathmandu accord have disturbing dimensions. First, while the democratic parties – as in India many of them are personality-centric and bereft of internal democracy and grassroots organisation – are brittle, the Maoists are a disciplined and dynamic force. They can afford to disband their parallel governments when they become a part of the real one with the sinews of power. Also, it won’t be a difficult for a guerrilla outfit to regroup, if God forbid, the experiment comes unstuck. On the other hand, G.P. Koirala had to resign as Prime Minister last year even when his Nepali Congress had majority support in Parliament because of dissidence by the Sher Bahadur Deuba faction. Of course, the two differed on tactics to be adopted towards the Maoists. While Koirala was for military action, Deuba stood for a carrot-and-stick strategy. Gyanendra tried to exploit the differences when he dismissed the Deuba Government on a charge of failure to put down the Maoists and dissolved the Parliament. More disturbing is the proposed pruning down of the army, even if under UN supervision. A 51,000-strong standing army, with a tiny air wing, for a country of Nepal’s size, terrain and strategic importance is not on the high side. The Maoist strength at 15,000 is qualitatively different even if less well equipped. In the other source of disquiet, Sri Lanka, a full-scale war is imminent, according to a political analyst, Jehan Perera, of the National Peace Council. Between April, when the LTTE blew up a civilian transport vehicle killing 64 persons, and now, about 500 fatalities have been reported. Following the bombing by the Sri Lankan air force of LTTE positions in the north in retaliation against the attack, about a dozen guerrilla boats masquerading as fishing craft attacked Sri Lankan islets in the northwest causing extensive damage. More important than apportioning blame in the ongoing cycle of violence and counter-violence, is the fact that it is a war, which neither can win and yet will not stop waging. The tragedy is compounded by the fact that notwithstanding the alarming security implications of the Sri Lankan developments, the Indian contribution can only be cosmetic. This was despite India’s (military) logistic support to the Sirimavo Bandaranaike Government battling Communist insurgents in 1962. In the 1970s, however, the Indira Gandhi Government at the instance of the then Tamil Nadu chief minister M.G. Ramachandran, sided with the LTTE, providing arms and sanctuaries for its guerrillas. In the next decade, Rajiv Gandhi involved India directly in the Sri Lankan strife by deploying Indian troops as a peacekeeping force (IPKF). It proved a disaster with the IPKF suffering casualties before being pulled out. The policy flip-flop left India dry even if not high. New Delhi can only hope that the Norway-brokered negotiations will resume so that the fragile cease-fire survives.
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Politics spoiling tryst with
Sikh destiny THE quad-centennial martyrdom anniversary of Sri Guru Arjan Devji and all the commemorative events connected with it will soon pass into history. But what will linger in the mind for long will be the bitter truth that unwanted party and vote bank politics, one-upmanship, and the lure of office, displayed by many in the Sikh leadership, have robbed the community from a definitive, introspective tryst with its future renaissance and destiny. A soul stirring remembrance of the unparalleled sacrifice of the great Guru 400 years ago, could well have acted as a pathfinder for the average Sikh, as he looks for guidance and direction in the somewhat volatile times that he today traverses. But somewhere the Sikhs have turned this momentous event into a routine affair. Starting from the days of the journey to install the golden Palki in Pakistan, there has been one controversy or the other. The Delhi Sikhs tried to steal the show from the SGPC, but the fact remains that to date the Palki has not been installed with due ceremony within the Gurudwara at its customary place at Lahore, as should have been the case. The SGPC and the SAD led by Parkash Singh Badal, not ones to be left behind, crossed over with the Guru Granth Sahib into Pakistan in an exclusive SGPC-SAD show on 12 June. Since it was an all Akali show, the ruling Punjab Congress saw no need to join, forgetting that it was the exalted Guru and his selfless acts and memory that was being commemorated that day, and not any Akali or SGPC initiative. After all, who but the SGPC (and the Sikhs in the capital city of Delhi must understand this), should rightly be organising such an event? Surely a momentary, peaceful co-existence of the warring political parties should have been possible on such an occasion. Later at Tarn Taran, the Congress deemed it fit to set up its own separate ‘pandal’ away from the official SGPC gathering, where all the five Jathedars of the Takhats had assembled. Two days before this the Badal led Akali Dal’s Istri Dal adorned its stage with its politically oriented BJP friends and well wishers. The common Sikh is confused at all this. Why he asks, should religious occasions be utilised by one political party or the other for their own purpose? He also asks why the SGPC, which is incidentally fighting for an All India Gurudwara Act, does not assert itself and tell those who interfere in its religious functioning, to mind their own business? More importantly, why do the common Singhs, the lions, keep behaving like sheep with no say of their own? Does the Electoral College and composition of the SGPC need a change, and should a minimum educational qualification of at least a graduate’s degree be a prerequisite for an elective post in the Mini Parliament of the Sikhs? Is it time for some corrective action on part of the SGPC and the Central government to rein in bodies like the Haryana Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee and the Shiromani Akali Dal (Delhi), who do not wish to remain in the SGPC fold? Is it also time to look afresh at the selection and appointment of the Jathedars of all the Takhats, so that their supremacy and independence remains untouched at all times? And finally the Sikhs should ask themselves one basic question. If our Gurus did not believe in dynastic rule, then why are certain powerful families and their siblings within the Sikhs (from all political parties, incidentally), always ruling the roost?
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Chatterati BIHAR Chief Minister Nitish Kumar either has a large heart or is just teasing Lalu Yadav once again. When Lalu was residing at 1 Anne Marg at Patna, the official residence of the Bihar Chief Minister, he had planted some mango trees. The new occupant, Nitish, sent some bags full of mangoes to Lalu so that he could taste the fruit. Or may be Nitish Kumar, who has successfully completed six months as Chief Minister, wanted Lalu to taste the fruits of his success. But Lalu’s impact in Bihar is still very much there. We have Lalu sweets and Lalu chocolates with the wrapping featuring Lalu in the form of comic book super heroes. He is now off to Europe with his Datun, Dal, Sattu and rice as continental food does not suit him.
Parliament studs Ear rings are no longer a fashion accessory exclusively for women. There are enough “studs” in Parliament as well. While first time MPs like BJP’s Manvendra Singh and Delhi Chief Minister’s son Sandeep Dikshit prefer to wear conservative studs, the flamboyant Vijay Mallya has opted for a huge diamond show. The diamond-studded ear accessories, he claims, are a ‘family heirloom’ worn by his grandmother. But while out shopping with his little daughter, Manvendra saw a pair of ear-rings that resembled Mallya’s pair. With a slight difference: the ones he saw were for a mere Rs 150, as opposed to the Mallya marvels. Manvendra bought these for a lark and wore them to Parliament, to give Mallya some designer competition! But you know what they say about fashion – ear today, gone tomorrow.
Pramod’s teesra Pramod may have thought that shifting into 7, Safdarjung Road will lead him to 7, Race Course Road, as was the case with Mr Vajpayee. But destiny had something else in store for him. But ‘7’ may not have been the relevant number at all. It was actually a number ‘3’ factor. Birth date: Oct 30, i.e. 3+0=3. Mahajan lost his father when he was 21: 2+1=3. He got married in March, i.e. the 3rd month in a calendar year. During the emergency, Pramod Mahajan remained in prison for 3 years, between 1974–1977. He had 3 brothers — Pramod, Prakash, Pravin — it was the 3rd brother who shot him. Three bullets were fired from Pravin’s gun hitting three different organs in his body. He died 12 days after he was shot: 1+2=3. When he died he was in his 57th year: 5+7=12, 1+2=3. He passed away on May 3.
Beware of pickpockets! There seems to be something about BJP rallies with their high funda leaders and their mobile phones. Every time the BJP has taken to the streets to protest, their leaders end up of losing their mobile phones and purses. Pickpockets obviously think it is a good way of giving the BJP a reality check. Ravi Shanker Prasad and several others lost their phones and their wallets when they ventured out to protect the common man’s pockets from the petroleum price hike announced by the UPA
Government. But in Delhi’s heavily guarded VIP zone, one must say hats off to the pickpockets who obviously have no qualms about filching VIPs’ pockets.
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From the pages of Lisping in numbers THE recent activities of Mr C. Rajagopalachari have proved that, unlike many aged persons, he has firmness enough to move against the time. In a country where the Congress forms the ruling party at the Centre and in almost all the States he had joined a number of pioneers in starting a strong opposition group. Having been almost all his life a prominent Congressman, he has not hesitated to stage a walk-out because he is no longer satisfied with the conduct of the organisation. He has displayed his originality in many other branches of thinking and action. Addressing a large gathering of students in a college in Bangalore the other day, he observed that family planning was stupid. Family planning is manifestly important mostly to persons with growing families and to Ministers who have to find food for the country’s fast multiplying population—and Rajaji’s distance from either of these contingencies is patent enough. He can therefore, afford to scoff at family planners. |
Tiva is Shiva (all living beings are God). Who then dare talk of showing mercy to them? Not mercy, but service, service. For man must be regarded as God. — Ramakrishna The Supreme Truth can be attained by way of knowledge. But this path is difficult and needs tremendous perseverance. The path of devotion is easier by contrast. — The Bhagavadgita Faith is not imparted like secular subjects. It is given through the language of the heart. — Mahatma Gandhi One obtains in hereafter only in proportion to what one gives here out of honest earnings. — Guru Nanak
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