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Loner’s lamentation On the wings of CBMs Sluggish growth |
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Case for Indo-Pak missile talks
Ava Garderner and the London bobby
LOC Kargil: Caricaturing the Indian soldier NRI implements Bill Gates’ goals
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Loner’s lamentation NOBEL laureate Amartya Sen has held the Narendra Modi government responsible for the riots that followed the Godhra carnage in Gujarat. In a programme broadcast by the BBC on the New Year day, he has asked for a judicial examination of the allegations against the government. It is not the first time that Dr Sen has spoken out on the subject. The "planned and disciplined" manner in which Muslims were targeted leaves him with the inescapable conclusion that it had the sanction of those in power. Subsequent events have only strengthened Dr Sen's views, which are shared by many people. The behaviour of the Gujarat police during and after the riots was shocking, to say the least. Their investigation of the riot cases borders on the ridiculous. But they adopt a different yardstick when it comes to the Godhra case. The acquittal of all those accused in the Best Bakery case is a blot on the criminal justice system. The judges can hardly be blamed as they have to pronounce their verdict on the evidence the prosecution produces before them. Small wonder that the High Court also did not find anything amiss in the verdict of the lower court. This being the case, it is indeed doubtful whether bodies like the National Human Rights Commission can do much to retrieve the situation. If the present trend continues, it will be impossible to bring to book those who killed over a thousand people and looted property worth hundreds of crores of rupees. One shudders to think that they are all waiting for another opportunity to kill and loot. It is a specious argument that the Modi government enjoys popular mandate. Electoral victories and defeats of politicians do not mean that their criminal lapses have been accounted for. The rule of law suggests that nobody can get away with murder. But in the case of Gujarat, every democratic and secular rule was violated with impunity. Thousands of people who were dispossessed of their possessions and who lost their relations in the mayhem find to their utter horror that all concepts of truth and justice are trampled upon by those wielding power. Little can be expected when the Modis become the toast of those who call the shots in the country. Dr Amartya Sen's is a cry in the wilderness. |
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On the wings of CBMs THE ongoing efforts to normalise relations between India and Pakistan provide an encouraging setting for the success of the Islamabad session of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation. The latest confidence-building measures (CBMs) announced and those implemented by the two countries show their desire to begin a new chapter of peace and amity. On Wednesday, India proposed the removal of restrictions on the movement of each other’s mission personnel and an increase in the size of their high commissions from the present 55 to 75 members. The same day, it also announced the dates for technical-level talks for establishing two new bus links — one from Munabao (Rajasthan) to Khokhrapar (Sindh) and the other between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad. Obviously, the two sides have agreed to implement these proposals which were part of the 12 CBMs suggested by India on October 22. But the most significant development is the understanding reached among the SAARC members on an additional protocol to the 1987 Convention on Terrorism. This will lead to the freezing of funds’ supply to the terrorist outfits operating in Jammu and Kashmir and other parts of South Asia. Since there is a realisation among the SAARC members that terrorism is a major threat to stability in the region, the differences among India and Pakistan over the definition of terrorism did not come in the way of the agreement on the additional protocol. The definition problem can be sorted out later on as the peace process set in motion progresses in the days to come. The approval of the draft South Asian Free Trade Area framework treaty by the SAARC members may spur economic growth in the region. This has come about with Pakistan agreeing to trade with India despite the Kashmir problem. It is good that the major demand of the least developed countries for tariff-free imports by India and Pakistan has been accepted by the two. Bangladesh will be the immediate beneficiary. |
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Sluggish growth AT a time when the Indian growth story is being widely celebrated, it is necessary to have a close look at the exports, which alone can decide whether growth is sustainable in the long run. After registering a 20-per cent growth in the initial years of reforms, the export growth is down to 9 per cent in the first nine months of the current fiscal. This is well below the budgetary target of 12 per cent. The trade figures for November, released by the Directorate General of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics are, therefore, quite uplifting. The country’s exports notched up a two-digit growth of close to 14 per cent in dollar terms during the month. However, in rupee terms the export growth in November as also during the year so far at 7.3 per cent is far from satisfactory. This is due to the appreciation of rupee vis-a-vis dollar. Exporters are, therefore, rightly concerned at the present trend in the rupee appreciation and are knocking at the doors of the Ministries of Commerce and Finance for help to protect them from currency fluctuations. The Reserve Bank of India, no doubt, is making dollar purchases off and on to check rupee appreciation, but there is a limit to the RBI interventions. Another worrying factor is the widening trade deficit due to the continuing surge in imports. During November, 2003, the imports registered a growth of 26.45 per cent. Cumulatively, the imports grew at 21.97 per cent from April to November of the current fiscal. The need of the hour is to stabilise the rupee with effective market interventions, widen the product range for exports and tap more vigorously the hitherto neglected markets. Happily, the recession in the US is coming to an end. If the momentum of growth in the US economy picks up, the dollar may recover, easing worries on the export front. Knowledge is but folly unless it is guided by grace. — Herbert |
Case for Indo-Pak missile talks CLEARLY, the motivation to acquire missiles falls under political, strategic and economic-commercial and technology-related heads. Missiles are nice to have and keep. They add to a nation’s standing and prestige. Besides the political and commercial spinoffs as we have seen in Asia, strategic and security considerations outweigh other drivers in South Asia. The need to dissuade, deter, coerce or blackmail comes from the threatening arc of ballistic missiles reach. If nuclear capability is the primary deterrent to coercion or intervention, a conventional missile capability constitutes a secondary vector for deterrence. In the grammar of proliferation it becomes an approximate strategic equaliser, low cost, low tech but high value. By the last count, 17,000 missiles had been fired worldwide. This does not include the nearly 1000 Cruise missiles expended in Operation Iraqi Freedom alone. Nearly 1560 missile tests have been undertaken since 1991. According to a Rand study, 33 countries have the capability to deploy ballistic missiles in war. The inability of the existing air defences to intercept incoming missiles makes the threat of blackmail and coercion very real. North Korea is a shining example of this. Imad Khadduri’s new book, “Iraq’s Nuclear Mirage”, alleges that Iraq was seeking North Korean missiles just two months before the US invasion of Iraq in 2003.The greatest present-day fear is over relatively crude missiles falling into the hands of non-state actors. China has signed defence technology contracts with 52 countries. The Chinese and the North Koreans have played a stellar role in missile development in Egypt, Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and, until recently, Iraq as well. China follows a pragmatic policy. At least in South Asia and East Asia, it has supported Pakistan and North Korea to keep India and Japan, its arch rivals in the region, tied down. This is classic Sun Tzu — indirect war. China has used both Pakistan and North Korea as conduits for its missile transfers in West Asia and the Gulf. Pakistan’s complicity in Iran, Libya and North Korea’s nuclear programme is emerging. How could missiles be used in a war between India and Pakistan? According to General Karamat, Pakistan would expect India to use its superiority to launch preemptive air-strikes against its air bases and strategic assets — this can create serious problems if the damage level crosses the threshold established by Pakistan. Missiles are a response in such a situation just as they are suited for pre-emption. General Karamat estimates that there is disparity in nuclear and missile numbers — probably a 2:1 in nuclear warheads, 3:1 in ballistic missiles and 3:1 in nuclear-capable high-performance strike aircraft, all in favour of India. Missiles give Pakistan assured and high penetration capability into India. Its main fears are from India acquiring missile defences Arrow and Phalcon systems and the introduction of the multilaunch
Brahmos Cruise missile. Like North Korea, Pakistan practises “deterrence through danger”. India has to reassure Pakistan that it will not initiate hostilities or start a limited war unless its red lines, like the terrorist attack on Parliament, are crossed. India must also declare that it wants a stable and prosperous Pakistan for the well-being of the region. This may remove the fears of pre-emption. The thinking on missile use in India is still churning and goes something like this — a red line could be drawn between tactical battlefield weapons (conventional missile forces), the Prithvi series and the strategic nuclear forces (the strategic missile forces) the Agni series. But such a distinction could only be made when a sufficient number of Agni I are in service. Drawing a distinction between Prithvi and Agni would, it is argued, remove ambiguity over Prithvi missiles and the nature of their warheads. On the other hand, declaring a distinction would forfeit flexibility on the choice of warhead and make things easier for the adversary. Why would a similar ambiguity not occur with aircraft also? Removing the ambiguity is not feasible at present because sufficient numbers of Agni I are not available to replace Prithvi. Further, till Pakistan stops-cross border provocation, limited conflict cannot be ruled out. As Agni is not operational, India has to rely on aircraft to supplement Prithvi missiles for the delivery of conventional and nuclear weapons. Therefore, it will take some time before a distinction between the class of missiles can be made and declared. The new Prithvi II will give the Army a range of up to 250 km. The conventional employment envisaged is for the interdiction of military targets in depth. This would free the Air Force for other tasks. Agni-I with variable ranges, nuclear payloads and insufficient numbers is adequate deterrence against Pakistan, though Prithvi with improved accuracy will do. Against China, India has a dissuasive deterrent strategy. Agni II does not provide sufficient safeguards against the threats of Chinese coercion or even blackmail in a worst case scenario. What India is, therefore, aiming for is Agni III with a reach of upto 3500 kms incorporating Beijing. The development of Agni II has been relegated to lower priority and could be dropped altogether when greater numbers of Agni III become available. In a limited war, if at all one is fought between India and Pakistan, ballistic missiles, when used, will probably be of short range and in conventional mode. With the window for limited war gradually closing, it is conceivable for missiles of ranges up to 300 km (Pakistani Hatf I to III and Indian Prithvis) be made non-usable through a regional missile regime due to their destabilising nature. Strategic missile forces are unlikely to come into play though they have become the preferred means of delivery of nuclear weapons. The February 1999 MoU on security-related issues at Lahore had among other things, a Nuclear Risk Restraint Regime which included advance notification of missile testing. Pakistan had suggested missile risk restraint measures like a zero deployment regime or a no-deployment zone. This would have been premature without factoring in China. Even so, a case can be made for freezing at some point in the future the deployment of short-range battlefield ballistic missiles. India was and is still prepared to discuss nuclear and missile risk reduction measures independent of other security-related issues. Some discussions on missile and nuclear risk reduction have been held at the Track II level. But Pakistan has linked any restraint regime with a dialogue on the core issue of Kashmir. While a bilateral nuclear and missile restraint dialogue is possible between India and Pakistan, for it to be meaningful, China has to be roped in also. With the latest India-Pakistan CBM offensive, a nuclear and missile risk reduction centre to institutionalise safeguards could be established in Delhi and Islamabad as a stand-alone CBM. The dismantling earlier this month of the massive replica of the Ghauri missile deployed in the heart of Islamabad since 1998 is the first symbolic CBM on limiting missiles in the region. This is a good augury for the SAARC Summit. India should respond by not displaying any missiles during the coming Republic Day parade. Concluded |
Ava Garderner and the London bobby AVA Garderner was one of the most ravishing Hollywood beauties of her time. The Lord had apparently created her in a moment of extreme ecstasy. Life magazine once commissioned her to draw the attention of the London bobby posted at the Buckingham Palace Gate towards herself. The bobby used to stand there, as he stands today, like a statue in stone. He is always looking straight. No sideway glances, no movement this way or that, he remains in a perpetual state of alert. Ava Garderner tried to cast her spell on him in myriad ways. She moved all round him, measured her body against his, without touching it, performed all manner of dances, trot to waltz, kathak to
bharatnatyam, in front of him. The bobby refused to be melted. All the while, a Life photographer was clicking his camera, capturing her and the bobby. The photographs he took were published in the Life magazine. These enhanced the bobby’s reputation as an invincible brahmchari while on duty. At the same time, these showed how graceful and far more beautiful Ava Garderner looked in her defeat. Life’s circulation must have gone up. Strange though it may seem, I am reminded of that unforgettable episode from days gone by as I read more and more in newspapers and magazines about all these scams in which our great politicians and bureaucrats are getting increasingly caught. Sometimes it is the stamp paper that we use for legal transactions, sometimes it is someone’s ill-gotten crores, sometimes it is someone passing on wads of currency notes to a swashbuckling Central minister looking like Clarke Gable. The latest is a large gang of crooks supplying advance copies of question papers to students appearing in the common admission test (CAT) for the prestigious institutes of management which have been recognised the world over for their excellence in managerial training. Why must we as a nation surrender before the lure of money? Why can’t we be like the bobby at the Buckingham Palace Gate? Jawaharlal Nehru wanted the corrupt to be hanged by the nearest lamp pole. One evening when he invited Josh Malihabadi — he was highly fond of his poetry, and offered to him a cup of tea, Josh said he did not eat
ghassphoos. And after he had sipped a peg or two of whisky with Jawaharlal, he recited to him his latest. Its title was —
Rishwat nah khain toh khain kya (if we don’t eat bribe, what else shall we eat). And in it, Josh had said inter alia that the tailor master had charged him so much for stitching his clothes that he had felt as if the man had stripped him naked. Of course, at that time Josh and Jawaharlal were flying in the air. We, the rest of us, down to earth fellows, are today wringing our hands in despair knowing not where to go. In whose lap shall we fall? Natwarlal is gone, whereabouts unknown. Veerappan remains, roaming about in the forests of Karnataka. We can perhaps go to him. But then as good old Ghalib says, “Ab toh ghabra kae kehte hain kae mar jainge; mar kae bhi chaen na paya toh kidar jainge” (Lost, we can now derive some solace from the fact that we shall die; but if we don’t get that solace then, too, where shall we go).
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LOC Kargil: Caricaturing the Indian soldier
HISTORY is often the account of the victor. The numerous books and articles on the Kargil conflict bear this out. Among them, Captain Amarinder Singh's
A Ridge Too Far: War in the Kargil Heights 1999 is the most authentic as he does not gloss over the lapses that resulted in the Pakistani forces intruding into our country and occupying an area larger than the Delhi state. For months together, the myriad agencies that collect intelligence had no clue that the Pakistanis were building bunkers and fortifying their position on the Kargil heights. Small wonder that former CBI Director Joginder Singh calls Kargil "a big scam". In terms of military strategy, the Pakistani move was exceptionally brilliant, though full of deception. From their high, fortified positions, they could watch every movement on the Srinagar-Leh Highway. Finally, the Pakistanis had got their "Siachen"! For once, our defence forces found themselves exposed to the intruders. In short, our defence was in peril. The Pakistanis had to be evicted and it entailed heroic warfare. To be fair to the jawan, he was not found wanting when orders were given to march to the treacherous Kargil heights where sub-zero temperature prevailed. The soldiers did not have enough snow boots or warm clothes to protect themselves from the harshness of weather. Yet, they showed remarkable fortitude when they inched towards the hills braving bullets and mortars. The enemies had positional advantage, which they put to great use. This accounted for the heavy casualties on the Indian side, at least in the beginning of the conflict. In a matter of weeks, our valiant jawans reoccupied the lost hills and re-established our supremacy. Of course, one does not forget the little role President Bill Clinton played in persuading the Pakistani leadership to withdraw all their troops from the Indian side of the Line of Control. The performance of the Indian soldier did every Indian proud. This was one war which the officers led from the front as is borne out by the high casualty rate among the officers. The rate was 1:16 against 1:24 in the previous wars. In this regard, as Amarinder Singh notes, there are few parallels in world history. All this was in the back of my mind when I watched J.P. Dutta's blockbuster LOC Kargil, which opened on the Christmas Day. To say that many scenes were repetitive and the film was too long to sustain the viewer's interest, particularly when there was no strong storyline, is to state the obvious. What disappointed me more was the way the Indian soldier was portrayed in the film. Since the producer touts it as a virtual documentary, my concern is graver. As the son of a soldier who fought in the Burmese sector in the Second World War and studied on the scholarship the Sainik Board provided, I always believed that the 256-year-old Indian Army was one of the most professional armies in the world and it gave more than the country could ever ask of it. But what I saw on the screen did not conform to the image of the soldier in my mind. True, the film portrays the extraordinary role the officers played in the war. But what kind of officers are the ones in the film? They always think about their girl friends and discuss about them as if they do not have any other interests or parents, sisters and brothers. Even in that moment when death stares them in the face, they seize the wallet and pull out the girl's photograph to have a last look! Of course, allowance has to be made for the fact that it is a star-studded film and it is necessary to give adequate footage to the gorgeous heroines. In India, songs are also necessary for the success of a film. So one can overlook the soldier climbing the Kargil heights humming the most romantic tune. But what about the swearing and expletives they use so liberally? Every time a grenade is thrown at the enemy, it is accompanied by a four-letter word. Did the grenade become deadlier because of the adjunct? It only showed the Indian Army officer as no better than a bumpkin, who can't keep his tongue in check. The argument is that the film tried to be as realistic as possible. But then there is a thing called subtlety which escaped the attention of the Director and, sorry to say, the Censor Board. Nor does the excessive use of religious symbolism show the Army in a good light. It is true that every Regiment has a battle cry like "Durga Mata Ki Jai" of the J&K Rifles. Even so, why should soldiers have to invoke the names of gods and goddesses before they set out to attack? As in every other war India fought, members from the minority communities like the Sikhs, Muslims and Christians played a major role in the Kargil conflict too. In fact, the first to fall in the Turtok Sector was Lt Haneefuddin of 11 Rajputana Rifles, who was awarded a posthumous Veer Chankra for his gallant act. To name another, Lt Clifford Nongrum of 12 J&K Light Infantry, who was killed at Point 4812 and won a posthumous Maha Veer Chakra. The 2nd Battalion Naga Regiment and the 8th Battalion Sikh Regiment with a large sprinkling of Sikhs and Christians too played a significant role. Nobody says that the intruders should have been shown any mercy. However, let us also recognise that in their case "the gallant defence was to the last man". No point was served when officers were shown shooting Pakistanis over and over again at close range. After all, a soldier can be killed only once and one bullet is more than sufficient for the purpose. Similarly, bayoneting a person several times is a pointless exercise unless the purpose is to show the man in uniform as no better than a beast. Cruelty is certainly not one of the attributes of the Indian Army. The film also overlooks the role the Indian Air Force played in softening the enemy positions and putting pressure on them. More horrifying was the wanton disregard the officers have for orders. Most of them get killed when they disobey the command and expose themselves to needless risk. Discipline is to the Army what melody is to the musician. It is difficult to believe that the film is close to reality. Operation Vijay has left behind a legacy of great gallantry and devotion to duty, which future generations of soldiers will be hard-pressed to surpass. Alas, LOC Kargil has failed to portray the professional, no-nonsense soldier. The film is more a caricature of him. |
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NRI implements Bill Gates’ goals Traditional educationists may find the radical ideas and unconventional vocabulary of Indian American Shivam Mallick Shah surprising, but these fit in well with the goals of Bill Gates and his wife Melinda. The billionaire couple has hired Harvard graduate Shah to implement their education goals in parts of the US. Pennsylvania-born Shah has dabbled in high finance and political activism, but found her real niche in the philanthropy of education. She was recently hired as senior programme officer in the Education Division at the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. Shah said she has met both Bill and Melinda Gates. “They are really amazing people. What you are struck by is how much they care about the issues and while neither of them is trained in health or education, these are the issues they have fully immersed themselves in. They are very highly engaged which makes the work effective. Most striking is how incredibly brilliant they are about these fields.” Her new job also means she moves from Washington DC to Seattle, where her husband Jay Shah already works with the same foundation. “I will focus on grant-making and investment activities in New York and the northeast,” Shah told IANS in an interview. The foundation helps public schools, charter schools as well as awards scholarships. “Our effort is to help public school districts trying to turn very large high schools into smaller high schools; helping charter schools which are autonomous public schools numbering about 3,000 in the country; and giving scholarships — of which the Gates Foundation has a large amount — helping high school kids get into college,” she said. Prior to her new appointment, Shah worked as associate partner in the Washington DC office of the New Schools Venture Fund, a non profit investment fund that invests in education entrepreneurs creating solutions for public schools. She is also cofounder of Project IMPACT to raise political awareness among South Asians. Earlier, Shah worked for Edison Schools, a privately funded school system that catered to some 75,000 pupils. But before going into the field of education administration, Shah was a management consultant in the New York office of McKinsey & Company. She has also worked as an intern for the White House Office for Women’s Initiatives and Outreach, as a summer fellow for the Philadelphia Mayor’s Office of Policy and Planning, and as a financial analyst for investment bank Bear, Stearns & Co. Born in Allentown, Pennsylvania, Shah grew up in the East Coast. Her father is an engineer in the Department of Defence and her parents live in New Jersey. When Shah was in investment banking in New York in what was her first “real job”, she realised it was not her cup of tea. “I knew this is not what I want to do in my life and I wanted to do something that would have more social impact.” Shah earned her MBA from Harvard Business School in 1999 and her bachelor’s degree in government and economics from Georgetown University in 1995. She also studied economics at the London School of Economics. —
IANS |
For Buddhism, no less than for modern physics and psychology, all the apparently stable and solid material and mental objects in the universe are in reality temporary condensations of energy. — Sangharakshita (contemporary) The silence of the stars is the silence of creation and re-creation. — Chet Raymo So long as God seems to be outside and far away, there is ignorance. But when God is realised within, there is true knowledge. — Sri Ramakrishna As borax melts gold, so do lust and wrath consume body. — Guru Nanak Up, India, and conquer the world with your spirituality. — Swami Vivekananda Spiritual practices undertaken with a utilitarian purpose in mind are negative in character. — Swami A. Parthasarathy |
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