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Sunday,
January 26, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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ON RECORD Planning model villages: how Punjabi NRIs show the way National security: systems approach needed |
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REFLECTIONS
Harihar Swarup
Rob’s throwback to Raj era
Humra Quraishi
Avoiding answers
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ON RECORD Excerpts: Q: What ails higher education? A: It is very difficult to make a general statement for a big country like India. We have 296 institutes of higher education (Central, State and deemed universities), IITs besides institutes of national importance such as Alaahabad’s Sanjay Gandhi Medical Institute and Chandigarh’s Post Graduate Institute of Medical Education and Research. We have the best institutes in the country including IITs, Jawaharlal Nehru
University and Anna University. Pune attracts 30 per cent of the foreign students who come to the country. We have second level as also very poor institutions, good deemed universities as the Gokhale Institute of Policy and Economics, Pune and Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi. We have a mixed basket of institutions. For 50 years after independence, our priority was to enhance social access and social equity in higher education. Q: Can you elaborate the concept of social equity and access? A: This means that I must have access to an institution of higher education close to where I live. I don’t have to go from a small place to Allahabad or Varanasi. We have achieved social access and equity in 50 years. In 1950, there were 50 universities. Today, we have 296. We had just 700 colleges then. Today, we have 12,000 colleges. There were just one lakh students then. Today, there are 88 lakh students. There were 15,000 teachers earlier. Today, there are 4,75,000 university and college teachers. Another indicator of social access is that if I mark all these 12,000 colleges on the map, rural areas have an institute of higher education within a radius of 100-120 km. It may not be the best but it ensures access to higher education. This drops to 60-80 km in semi-urban areas, 30-40 km in urban areas and few kms in metros. Another indicator of access is that out of these 88 lakh students, 22-23 per cent students are those who are the first higher education learners in their families. This percentage is going up by half a per cent every two years. Many people who are holding important positions in the country are first higher education learners in their families. I am the first higher education learner in my family. Although social equity has improved, our access ratio to higher education is only 7 per cent compared to developing countries which have 30 to 60 per cent. But, something else has happened in the 21st century. Because of communication and information revolution, knowledge has become very important. Therefore, the quality of education has also become very important. This means that when we are in the first decade of the 21st century, in addition to social access and social audit, access to information is important as also equity in reference to quality of education irrespective of one’s geographical location. This has become a challenge. To meet this, we should provide information pathways at the doorstep of higher education
institutions. We will achieve this through the UGC information network. We are also linking all the colleges with unlimited clockhour internet connectivity. Q: How can the university system survive if the UGC does not give adequate funds? A: The UGC plans to go in for subscription of research journals in electronic format. We plan to start this in a phased manner in the Tenth Plan. Negotiations are on with various publishers. These include scientific societies and regular publishers. Today, each
university spends on an average Rs 70-80 lakh on subscription of journals. We have 186 State universities, 17 Central universities and 64 deemed universities. We have identified the 30 most sought after journals. Bulk subscription will be cost effective and ensure better access. Every year subscription of journals is going up while the universities’ budget remains unchanged. They have to reduce their subscription. As a result, the faculty and the researchers suffer. Universities are always cutting corners. We are telling the universities to use the saved money for buying more text books for students and libraries. This is what I call a cascading effect. One good action leads to another good action. Q: What about foreign students coming to India for higher studies? A:
We are poor in marketing our education. Our education is very affordable and quality-wise almost the best. That is why we are not able to attract enough foreign students. The UGC would like to help government evolve definite strategies. Q: On brain drain. A: The concept of brain drain was very important in 60s, 70s, and 80s. Today with globalisation and removal of geographical boundaries the relevance is lost. This type of sharing, connecting with each other, was not there earlier. The recent Indian diaspora convention indicated their desire to contribute in might and strength. We have to create operational mechanism and strategies to facilitate their academic interaction and financial support. The UGC intends to adopt this pro-active policy. Q: Why are the teachers opposing the contract system? A:
We have passed the information to NIEPA (National Institute of Education and Public Administration). We would like the NIEPA to discuss this important issue with people related to education and hold workshops, seminars, small group discussions across the country with all those connected with higher education. We are in favour of tenure track appointment which is followed by most universities in the world. Tenure track appointment has a five-year term which is renewed after academic appraisal. Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra governments are talking about it. Q: On resentment to the increase of teaching hours from 15 to 22. A: This only concerns Delhi University and they are sorting it out. They have set up an Academic Reforms and Accountability Committee. |
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Planning model villages: how If Punjab is to march forward, it is time to go back to the village. It is also time to dovetail rural development to agriculture as the two have a symbiotic relationship. One way to go back to the village is to develop “model” villages. This is not an impossible task, given one’s foresight and planning. The planning should be need-based, village-specific, indigenous and cost-effective. It should encompass all basic needs of life. In this context, Punjabi NRIs have made a small beginning to transform villages. “Model” village planning should be such as to generate economic activities and incomes, provide employment in the village itself and protect ecology. It should help in diversification in agriculture with incentives/ concessions and provisions for training skills in value addition through agri-business, agro-processing or developing small scale industry based on farm produce. Rural youth's aspirations have also to be weaved into planning. All this should happen despite the changing rural-urban demographic profile of Punjab between 1991 and 2001 Census, which shows that the percentage of rural population has declined from 70.45 to 66.05, whereas, urban population has gone up from 29.55 to 33.95. There was also been a sharp decline and shift of agricultural workers from 52.2 per cent to 39.4 per cent in this period. Why this decline and shift of agricultural workers? Where have all these people gone? Has village life become unattractive or agriculture un-remunerative? Or both? Is urban chaos and slums their contribution? This disturbing trend in migration from rural to urban pastures calls for new orientation in planning with focus on village, as nucleus of all future development. It is also time to apply correctives and strike a balance between the rural-urban divide and development patterns. For “model” villages to become a reality and agriculture to become remunerative, competitive and cost-effective, 12,369 village panchayats will also have to be strengthened for integrated rural development. Despite the 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992 and the Punjab Panchayati Raj Bill, 1994, these panchayats are still without financial and administrative powers. Once empowered, the “model” village concept will also grow. For this, rural Punjab has to be freed from the stranglehold of bureaucracy and politics. The two have delayed decentralisation of powers to panchayats. Notwithstanding tall claims by successive state governments about improving the quality of life in the villages of Majha, Doaba or Malwa regions, the profile of any village shows that village as a unit of societal growth has remained symptomatic of neglect. Civic amenities are woefully inadequate, power supply is erratic and infrastructure is in a shambles. There is, however, a silver
lining. Now there is a growing urge in Punjab villages to lead a quality life. Much of this has been inculcated in the villagers by their own people, who have migrated abroad. Their urge to either return to the roots or repay a debt of gratitude by contributing to uplift their own villages has yielded positive response from the locals and discernible results. Today, there are several villages where remittances or investments by overseas Punjabis have transformed the physical appearance of their native villages by providing quality infrastructure in terms of school, hospital building, drinking water, toilets, sewerage disposal system, community centres, telephone system, paved streets fitted with solar lights, parks, approach roads/ bridges or even a mortuary. This is more true of Doaba. Recently, an enterprising Punjabi NRI, Mr S.S.Khera, enthused by the urge to do something for his village, Khera Dona (Kapurthala), and fulfill his dream of developing it as a “model” village, sought help from Chandigarh’s Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (CRRID). Consequently, the CRRID came up with a document, a practical guide, titled “Towards a working model village”. This case study has opened the door to new ventures and the concept is worth replicating in other villages. A whole new concept of developing Punjab villages into “model” habitats has emerged. The CRRID has blended its “model” village scheme with educating village panchayats about the mandatory 73rd Constitutional amendment, aimed at infusing new life into panchayats and giving them power to transform their
villages. The “model” village concept, prepared by Dr Krishan Chand, Senior Fellow at CRRID, serves as a bench mark on how to develop a village as a decent dwelling unit, where there is equitable social and economic dispensation of justice as much for an individual as for institutions for planned development and growth. The concept encapsules all that will improve the quality of life in a village, which will be a self-sufficient unit with minimum dependence upon cities, blending its character with present-time needs. This concept has already been replicated in several villages by voluntary NRI Punjabis — Palahi near Phagwara, Begowal near Doraha, Kharaudi in Hosiharpur, to mention a few. Dr Krishan Chand has based his conceptulisation as much on the existing physical, social and economic infrastructure as on the probabilities of making good use of knowledge and technology for site specific development, user-friendly innovating designing and integrating the past with the present to give futuristic projection to development and living needs of the village. The proifile of Khera Dona shows the way to a “new” Punjab. The previous Akali-BJP government had embarked upon a similar concept in a different context in some villages — Bhindi Saydan and Padhri Kalan in Amritsar or Kal Jharani in Muktsar with HUDCO help. The idea, laudable though, suffered from financial constraints. The case study of Padhri Kalan, “Farming
systems approach to revitalise Punjab agriculture” vis-a-vis village life by PAU scientists, Dr M.S.Gill and Dr S.P.S.Brar, is yet another roadmap to the envisaged rural prosperity through the “model” village concept. The scientists have concluded that people’s
participation can alone help improve economies and incomes, sustain development and generate
employment, particularly for small, marginal and medium farmers. Thus, PAU-CRRID
joint efforts can help Punjab march forward from the villages, despite the government and with Punjabi NRIs’ involvement. In his report, Dr Krishan Chand too has laid emphasis on villagers’ involvement with NRIs' efforts for a better tomorrow. Some NRIs have had bitter experience dealing with the government agencies, whose administrative costs and credibility act as impediments. If this could be removed there is every hope of Punjab itself turning into a “model” state. Punjab needs an in-built, in-house mechanism to replicate “model” village schemes and
diversification in agriculture with the Centre opening its purse strings, the way NRIs are willing to do. |
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National security: systems approach needed While considering national security, an integrated view — a systems approach — needs to be adopted. This implies that political, economical, technological and social development policies are formulated within an overall integrated framework, India's security being its core objective. All planners, including defence planners, must ensure optimum utilisation of resources. India is passing through a volatile phase where the pattern of warfare is undergoing dramatic change. In a nuclear environment any threat of a conventional war will have to take into account the possibility of a nuclear and chemical and biological fallout. There is a necessity for a pragmatic threat analysis leading to a realistic force planning structures. The requirement of a clearly defined national security policy will shape our military doctrine. The process of establishing the necessary structure for higher defence organisation, may result in changes to or modifications to the present
system. The Ministry of Defence, the three Services will gain a great deal by shedding Service parochial orientations and inculcating the ethos of inter-service integration at all levels. The modern battlefield requires highly mobile and efficient fighting forces which can exploit the benefits of technological advances. Modern weaponry and rapid developments in information technology should afford us greater striking power together with a reduction in manpower. This implies a reexamination of our standard operating procedures. Similarly, Business Process Re-engineering techniques can be successfully exploited by the armed forces. Technology could pave the way to major restructuring. Defence production had so far remained the prerogative of the Govt. PSUs and ordnance factories. The Government's decision in May 2001 to open up the defence industry to the private sector, with a FDI limit of 26 per cent, is timely. It will provide impetus for industrial growth and benefit the Services. The initial response of industry has so far been cautious. There is a need for both industry and the Services to understand each other's requirements and come to a mutually workable understanding. The processes and procedures need to be streamlined, tested, amended and restructured before any tangible results can be expected. GS specifications for example are, in many cases, rigid and impractical. They need to be made flexible. Human resource is the most important asset of our armed forces. The 1971 war in the East had proved conclusively that ‘good leadership’, organisation and logistics are battle-winning factors. There can be no substitute to leading by ‘personal example’. The Israeli Army simplifies it to just two words — ‘follow me’. The need for leaner, flexible organisations and decentralised decision-making call for different styles of leadership; leaders who have a vision with multi-skills, imaginative, decisive and able to carry subordinates with them. After the 1971 war, India emerged as a regional superpower. Her geostrategic interests encompass not only the Indian Ocean but areas adjacent to and beyond its land frontiers. A future war, if and when it does come, will be of a much longer duration than the conflicts of 1965 and 1971. The pattern of operations too will be different.
Infrastructural and industrial complexes are almost certain to be targeted. Nuclear, chemical and biological fallouts have to be catered for. Thus, we must learn from the past so that we are better prepared to face the future. In 1962, 1965 and even in 1971, we lacked a comprehensive geostrategic and geomilitary assessment of our interests and the threats to these interests. There were no clear-cut political aims or directives. There was no effective machinery to plan, coordinate and execute war, and even today we lack a Chief of the Defence Staff or an effective coordinated strategic, intelligence and logistic support organisations. Fortunately on January 4, 2003 a nuclear command and control structure was announced. Today's battlefield is governed by highly sophisticated weapon systems. Armed forces that have been neglected in peace cannot be revived overnight in times of danger so that they can effectively counter the threats that emerge. Modern weapon systems require skills that take considerable time to acquire and master. Defence has not been given the priority it requires. The Government must reassess the potential threats that arise from the unstable and volatile geopolitical and geomilitary environment and make the necessary appropriations and infrastructure to ensure that the armed forces have the wherewithal to defend the country. There is a need to build up reserves of strategic commodities and materials to meet emergencies such as wars, sanctions etc. These should be based on projections and evaluation of durations of the various threat scenarios. This will call for accurate inventory control, storage capacity and infrastructure. The importance of R&D needs to be emphasised. We need not confine it to DRDO but should go out to the universities and industry. For example, in Chandigarh, the Punjab Engineering College (PEC) has taken on some research projects for defence. Our approach to policies for development of the nation must go hand in hand with security. Our greatest challenge is to balance the requirements of the economy and of security. The process of restructuring our national security apparatus must be accelerated. The armed forces should display vision, foresight, flexibility and creativity. We need to shed old dogmas and transform our services into efficient, cohesive, responsive and technologically competent instruments to execute the tasks. The future of our nation will depend upon this. Excerpts from the inaugural address delivered by Lt-Gen J.F.R.Jacob (retd.), Governor of Punjab and Administrator, the Union Territory of Chandigarh, at the annual seminar of Hyderabad’s College of Defence Management. |
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REFLECTIONS As I journey and interact with people around the world I observe the way they respond to various situations and obviously draw my ‘own’ conclusions or impressions. Let me share one such which is a product of my recent visit. We tend to see the grass greener always on the other end. At least this I have noticed every time there is a mention of the UK, the USA or Canada. Let me illustrate in concrete terms. While in transit and on flight a fellow Indian woman came up to me to narrate a harassing experience she went though at a restaurant in Europe. The woman is a senior official with a public sector company in India. She told me that while she was at the eating joint with her friend a young man (non-Indian), perhaps European, came up to her to ask if he could sit on a table next to her. She wondered why he asked her for it was vacant anyway and he could sit there without asking her. He then sat down and spread some napkins around. A little while later he went away. Soon enough this woman realised her purse, full of money and all her passport papers was gone. Somebody had obviously taken it away. The person concerned, perhaps accompanied by a few others, diverted her attention and frisked away her purse. She cried foul. The restaurant said they were helpless. In fact, they were most indifferent But then, another man sitting there told her that since there is close circuit TV she better ask the manager to help identify who could it be? The harassed woman accordingly searched for the authorised staff. But they were no where to be seen. Whoever was there flatly refused any help whatsoever. She then called the police that too from outside the restaurant. The police came. They were sympathetic, she said, and offered to look into her complaint. They asked her a few questions and went away. She was very appreciative of police action. But not till I asked her the following questions. (a) Did the police not ask the manager to play the tape to ask her to identify the person(s) who may have been in it? (b) Did they not seize that tape? She said no! I asked her what they said then. She said police just said that since the restaurant (It was Macdonald’s) is a big company they will not be able to do much. But she said, “They were very nice. They have even sent me a letter of acknowledgement on my complaint and said they are looking into it”. What a gimmick indeed I wondered? I asked her, did they not know you were going to travel soon? Yes, she said. Then have you not have left without seeing the footage by which could have helped identify the culprit? Would it not have expedited the search? She said she does not know the procedures? But she further told me that she got to know from her friends that the restaurant concerned was famous for such like thefts! And the cameras were merely showpieces and not for the purpose they are meant to serve. I am not going to generalise from here and say this is how the police is outside as well. What I am saying is that inefficiency, malgovernance, insensitivity, power of the mighty and the powerful, are all around — East or West! It all depends on our focus… |
A leader who can get
along with anyone Sixtyone-year-old Shinde is the first dalit Chief Minister of Maharashtra but he has acquired variegated experience in his over three- decade- long political career. He has come a long way in life from a court peon to a Sub-Inspector of Police to become Maharashtra’s Chief Minister. As the state’s Finance Minister, he established a record having presented as many as nine successive budgets and seen nine Chief Ministers come and go. In the past, he was himself in the race for the Chief Minister’s post for half a dozen times but could not make it to Number One slot. Shinde’s experience as Finance Minister may now come in handy as Maharashtra has reached a staggering deficit of Rs.6,224 crore, part of which the state inherited from the Shiv Sena-BJP Government. Also with the soaring deficit, the total government expenditure increased by about four times. It will not be so easy for Shinde to sort out the state’s finances. With 18 months left for the Assembly elections in Maharashtra, Shinde will have to put the state on road to good governance and, at the same time, keep the coalition with Sharad Pawar’s party intact. He has to ensure that the NCP does not gain at the cost of the Congress. This was one of the reasons why the party high command showed the door to Vilasrao Deshmukh. Like his predecessor, Shinde too has maintained good rapport with Pawar and does not fight shy in admitting that the Maratha strongman has been his mentor, having brought him to politics and helped him grow. In spite of good relations with his mentor, Shinde had rebelled against Pawar in 1991 and his close associate in the rebellion was Deshmukh. Apparently, it was under pressure from the party high command that he had to rise against Pawar. The revolt notwithstanding, he maintained closeness with Pawar; is said to be far more close to the Maratha leader than Deshmukh. Shinde is an amiable man, can get along evenly with everybody and keep everyone happy. Reports say he is even liked by Bal Thackeray and the Shiv Sena boss may not immediately create problem for “the state’s first Dalit Chief Minister” but watch him. Even though Pawar may be his mentor, Shinde’s personal relationship with Deshmukh is known to be excellent. To quote the axed Chief Minister: “The one who replaced me is Shinde. He is an old friend, who has always helped me out of difficult situation”. Pawar, Deshmukh and Shinde acknowledge that unless the Congress and the NCP present a united front, the Gujarat type of threat may loom large in the 2004 Assembly elections. Dalit votes as well as the politically powerful Maratha lobby hold the key to success in Maharashtra elections. Shinde may be able to sway the Dalit electorate but without Sharad’s tacit backing, the Maratha vote bank may prove elusive. Dalits in Maharashtra are generally supporters of the RPI and it will be an asset if Shinde is able to draw them towards the Congress. Having an excellent rapport with the Maratha strongman, the new Chief Minister may be able to keep the Congress-NCP tie-up intact . In fact, Pawar readily agreed when Congress emissaries asked his opinion about the replacement of Deshmukh with Shinde. Another advantage of Shinde has been that he enjoys total confidence of Sonia Gandhi. This was manifested when he was chosen as the Congress nominee in the Vice-Presidential elections. Though a Dalit, Shinde contested and won twice in Lok Sabha election from Solapur, a general seat, signifying that, apart from members of his own community (leather workers) , others too vote for him. He was elected to the Maharashtra Assembly for fives times from the reserved constituency. Shinde has long experience of the organisation having functioned as President of the Maharashtra unit of the Congress for two terms. He also had a long stint as the AICC general secretary. |
Rob’s throwback to Raj era The officialdom in the North Block and South Block is amused at the omission and commission of the British High Commissioner here, Rob Young. The diplomat recently visited Jammu and Kashmir and issued statements which surprised the Indian officials. He said the Hurriyat Conference had missed on a “great opportunity” by not participating in the recent Assembly elections. On his part, Young was trying to be good to India. But this is a favour the Indians could have done without. Young chose to rush in where even US Ambassador Robert Blackwill was hesitant to tread. When Blackwill had visited J&K in the recent past he had taken care to not only avoid interacting with the separatists but also ignored them completely in his speeches. But Young apparently went overboard during his J&K visit. Now the word doing the rounds here in the corridors of power is what made Young to say what he said in J&K. Some officials went to the extent of remarking that this exhibited Viceroy-syndrome, a throwback to the British Raj. Himachali caps Birthday party Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s International President Vishnu Hari Dalmiya celebrated his 75th birthday last week. As expected, senior politicians were there to wish him all the best for the future. The surprise was the Samajwadi Party general secretary Amar Singh, the Man Friday of his party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav. But what surprised his people more was his apparent closeness to the VHP leader and the other firebrand Praveen
Togadia. The grapevine was that he was actually seen talking to the two leaders in close proximity which did not in any way reflect the difference in thinking of the two parties. Publicly the two parties don’t see eye to eye on various issues, particularly the Hindutva issue. The Samajwadi Party is known for following the politics of appeasing the minorities while the VHP claims to be leading the right-wing Hindus. Incidentally, it was during the regime of Mulayam Singh in Lucknow that the VHP-led activists had managed to hoist the saffron flag atop the then Babri Masjid. Contributed by
T.V.Lakshminarayan, Prashant Sood, Girja Shankar Kaura and Satish Misra. |
Traffic snarls throttle your nerves in Delhi Several days before the Republic Day, the traffic chaos seems to overtake all other activities here. You simply have to sit and plan your journeys into that part of the town — India Gate and around and even further, for traffic snarls have the potential of throttling your nerves. And precisely for this reason, one of the casualties (can't really think of a substitute) has been that I couldn’t make it to the embassy of Iran to get equipped with details of the chief guest for our Republic Day celebrations — Iranian President Mohammad Khatami. All that I can add here is that after covering the diplomatic circuit for over 15 years, diplomats and their spouses from the Iranian embassy stand out on the circuit. Foremost, they are very particular about their dress code. I have spotted Iranian diplomat spouses walking in the Lodi Gardens during the peak of summer with the head scarves and cotton shawls adequately wrapped around and their teenaged children in full sleeved shirts. With the no-baring motto more than writ even when they are spotted at parties and receptions. Also stands out the fact that though several diplomats from other Middle Eastern missions seem touched by Europe's trends and fashions, Iranians are known for their individuality. This time when I was visiting Srinagar, it surprised me that many of the who's who in the city had sent their children to Iran for further studies. To the whys, answers ranged from “They teach you culture and religion besides medicine; after all, Iran has been the centre of civilisation...It is not like the USA where there's always the danger of your children never ever returning or becoming total strangers to our way of living...” Whilst on diplomats and diplomatic activity, it did more than surprise many a diplomat here that none from the Middle Eastern countries were taken as observers to the J&K elections of 2002. When I asked the reasons for this, the diplomats could not officially come out with their views (the stumbling block being the diplomatic code), but politicians like Saifuddin Soz and Mehbooba Mufti seemed more than surprised and blamed the Home Ministry for this so-called lapse. And whilst on diplomats, one of the oldest diplomats (in terms of his tenure here) is leaving the country. PLO's Ambassador to India Dr Khaled Al Sheikh has been in India for years — first as a student at the Aligarh Muslim University and later as his country's envoy. He knew just about everybody, even those from the middle rung and, of course, students from the various schools who made it a point to raise their voices against the ongoing occupation on the Palestinian National Day. He would be missed by many in the city. A great poet Last weekend, at Hotel Ashoka, the minute one overheard Mulayam Singh's talkative half, Amar Singh (he reminds me of a ace story teller that our Uttar Pradesh state — his and mine that is — had been once upon a time famous for) speak of the cancellation of the annual bash he holds around the time of his birthday, one got the inkling that all's not too well on the Bachchan front. And soon came the news of the passing away of Harivansh Rai Bachchan...and though there have been several obits written, I am surprised why there has been little mention of the book on him by journalist Tribhuvan Nath. The book was released about four years back and it is based on a collection of letters which the senior Bachchan had been writing to Nath. The best aspect about his letters was that there was a letter for each occasion. For instance, when I'd last visited Mumbai but couldn’t meet him, he was upset and wrote a letter to me with the title ‘Ek
Malaal’ (one remorse). Here I must add that it has been a remorse for me that Nath hasn't dwelt on Bachchan's personal life or as he'd told me that some of those letters were rather “too personal” so he deliberately kept them away from the readers’ glare. Not really fair, for if Bachchan Sahib was an ordinary poet with mundane existence, it would have made little difference but not when he would be remembered as a legend, as a rebel poet. I still recollect that at the time of the publication and release of the book I had persistently queried Nath on the various aspects of senior Bachchan's personal life — the little known facts about his first wife, her illness, her premature death, the financial lows, and his romance with Teji who not just married him, but became a pillar of strength to him. Nath didn't go beyond these tight sentences: “Some of the letters do carry references to his second wife Teji and in one he has mentioned about her relatives staying with them and making the house look like a camp; some of the letters concentrate on his two sons with special reference to Amitabh's acting talent; some talk of the acute financial problems he was facing and...” the rest he brushes off as being too personal and so kept out of our reach! |
Avoiding answers Her statement that she feels like being in Pakistan was a sick joke. In the mullahdom of Pakistan, if she had dared to raise a question about the symbols of the highest reverence of the majority people, a different response would have waited her. It is only in India, a Hindu majority country, that she can raise questions about Ram and Sita and still be our honoured guest. And exactly this freedom is being misused. A false secularism has been protecting and encouraging separatism in the name of minority rights. Anything anti-Hindu wrapped in a reformist attitude, modernism and left-progressivism etc. is acceptable to a neo-colonialist mindset controlling a powerful section of the media. This attitude is slowly pushing Hindus to the wall and sometimes making them behave in an Islamic way. It will be really unfortunate if they begin to feel that unless they react in Islamic manner, these “seculars” and the Mullah-Marxist combine won’t listen to them. They are made to look apologetic to get back temples of highest reverence demolished by the foreign invaders. Because the Mullah-Marxist combine has made it difficult for the Indian Muslims to divorce the hate psyche of the invaders who happened to belong to the same faith. So, a faithful has to support a religious fellow, even if he is an invader, a bad strange foreigner. Why is it so? Is this not the mentality which breeds separatism and allows Jihad to grow? Many amongst Hindus consider Ram and Sita as great human beings and not as Gods and nobody bothers. Is this too much to expect? We respect her because she has supported Sir Vidia, whom we admire for his literary genius and a deep Indian affinity. It’s unfair to say, as Lady Naipaul has alleged, that we are looking for a ‘mentor’ in him. It simply shows a complete lack of understanding and even basic knowledge about the Hindutva school of thought, on her part. We draw inspiration from Guru Gobind Singh, Swami Vivekananda, Dr. Hedgewar and Pt. Deen Dayal Upadhyaya. Our admiration for Sir Vidia is definitely not to engage him as our advocate or a defender. Hindutva is quite capable of defending itself and does not solicit any apologist or a hesitant “convert” as a show boy. Lady Naipaul should stop to be an apologist for Sir Vidia’s views. He is like Himalaya to us. We may have a debate on many of his ideas but we like him for being just what he is. The writer is Editor, Panchajanya, an RSS publication brought out from New Delhi. |
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Professor Arun Nigavekar, a well known physicist and educationist, took over as the Chairman of the University Grants Commission last year. Since he assumed charge on July 16, 2002, he has thrown up novel ideas. Recipient of several awards including the Phia Foundation award, UNESCO honour and the Swami Vivekananda award, Prof Nigaverkar has played a key role in defining the Tenth Planof the UGC, networking of universities and internationalisation of higher education. A former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Pune, he initiated several reforms as UGC member in the nineties. These included decentralisation of UGC administration and quality education. He is in favour of making higher education self-sustainable. In an interview to The Tribune, he said that administrative reforms in governance of higher education are essential. 
There has been a paradigm shift in defining the nature of conflicts and our understanding of the concept of national security, particularly, the impact of global terrorism and Pakistan-sponsored insurgency on our economy and overall security commitments. The future of India, and its security, internal and external, has to be viewed in the context of the changing parameters.
The more I travel overseas the more I get to value my country comparatively. And this belief and thinking has only strengthened over the years. Those of us, perhaps, who have not travelled, or gone though experiences of the kind I did, perhaps may obviously have a different point of view.
Six months back two former policemen were rivals in the contest for the prestigious post of the Vice-President of India and both are now occupying high offices. Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, defeated one-time fellow constable, Sushil Kumar Shinde in the Vice- Presidential poll in July, last year, and now presides over the Rajya Sabha. Having united a fragmented opposition against Shekhawat, Shinde has to wait but not for long; he is now the Chief Minister of an important state like Maharashtra. Though Shinde’s defeat appeared imminent in the Vice- Presidential election, his significant contribution was to bring the opposition parties on one platform. The election of Shekhawat and Shinde, both having come up very hard way in life, is a “miracle of democracy” indeed, to borrow the expression of former Prime Minister P.V.Narasimha Rao, when Mayawati became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the first time. 
The AICC office these days is besieged by Himachali caps. Ticket aspirants from Himachal Pradesh have descended to the Congress office in large numbers in the hope of winning favour of the party bigwigs. With the Congress prolonging its exercise of ticket
allotment, the ticket seekers have been left with little choice except to stay in Delhi. “How can I begin my campaign till I know about my candidature,’’ asks a ticket aspirant. The Congress has three layers of decision-making on tickets and the aspirants have been making rounds of any leader who is somebody in the Congress hierarchy. As the aspirants parrot their strong points before the leaders, they also make it a point to run down other contenders. The Congress Pradesh Election Committee, which met in the capital instead of Shimla, chose the route of putting all decisions on party president Sonia Gandhi. State leaders know that once the name of high command is invoked, there is little to answer.
We appreciate that Lady Nadira Naipaul had the courage of conviction to raise issues about Ram and Sita (The Tribune, Jan 19) before our Deputy Prime Minister in a public function, in spite of being a non-Hindu and a non-Indian. This is a question nagging us since centuries of Islamic invasions. But when answer was sought, she indulged in pasting labels, an old Communist practice to sidetrack the main issue.