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Sunday,
November 3, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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Humiliated, poor Dalits hope for a slightly better life by getting converted Punjab needs strategic and tactical planning for good governance
Harihar Swarup
Pervez’s life in danger: astrologer
Humra Quraishi
This is competitive communalism!
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SPECIAL FOCUS I
spent two days in the Jhajjar-Gurgaon belt, talked to a cross-section of the people, local media and officials, studied the spot of lynching of five Dalits on the Dussehra day. The state government has ordered an enquiry by Rohtak Commissioner. A CBI enquiry would have been more appropriate rather than probe by a government officer. The gravity of the incident requires special focus on its larger sociological implications. All the five victims except one (Kailash of Karnal) were in the prime of their youth. Virinder of village Badshahpur in Gurgaon district was just 23 years old. They were the main bread earners in their families. Their untimely death, besides being a traumatic experience, has dealt a serious financial blow to their poor households. The victims were in the legal trade of skinning dead animals and selling their hides. A sum of Rs 35,000 has been paid to Panchayat Samiti, Sohna vide receipt No. 35 dated April 2, 2002 for the financial year 2002-2003 for skinning the dead animals in the villages under its jurisdiction. A sum of Rs 10,000 has been paid to Adarsh Gaushalla, Tikli, District Gurgaon for the same purpose. On the day of the incident a tempo full of hides was being taken to Karnal which has a regular mandi for hides. The trouble started on account of a rumour of cow being slaughtered near Duleena police post, 8 km from Jhajjar. The SSP authentically said, there was no cow slaughter; only a dead cow was being skinned by the Dalits in question who bought it from Faruqnagar on their way to Karnal and stopped near Duleena police post to add one more hide to their stock. They were put in police lock-up. The police version is that they were brought to their post by same villagers at about 5.30 p.m. on the suspicion of killing a cow. This version is contested by the family members of the victims: they say they were detained at the post for extorting money. The truth can be found only through a high-power impartial probe. All agree that a communally charged mob did assemble at the police post though the estimates of the size of the crowd vary. The mob succeeded in lynching the Dalits in the most gruesome manner. Three Executive Magistrates, DSP, SHO Sadar, with a police force of about 100 from Jhajjar and adjoining police stations were present at the time of killing. No tear gas or firing in the air was done to disperse the crowd. The argument that firing would have resulted in numerous deaths is untenable. The innocent lives should have been saved even at the cost of shooting a few mobsters. Perhaps, the use of tear gas or firing in the air could have frightened away the mob. To allow the public lynching of persons in police custody in the presence of police and senior civil officers is not only gross breach of trust and dereliction of duty but an act of patent criminality. There is a widespread feeling among Dalits and others in the area that since the victims were Dalits, the whole issue was treated casually by the police and the administration. The families of the victims say, naked bodies were handed over to them after post mortem. The district administration did not show elementary decency to cover corpses with clothes. The message is clear. Dalits can be killed with abandon; they can be disgraced even after death and their womenfolk can be raped with impunity. What is disturbing is that people can be so easily excited through rumours on emotive issues like cow slaughter etc. On such occasions rumour mills work overtime. Rationality is given a short shrift and maddening frenzy happens to possess the mob. The phenomenon is not a sudden development in the state; it has struck deep roots in a section of society on account of consistently hard work put in by some communal forces over a period of time. It should serve as warning bell for those who stand for communal harmony and peace in society. The writer, a former Chairman of the Haryana Public Service Commission, is a keen student of Haryana affairs. |
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Will there be no end to this? Atrocities on Dalits continue unabated despite the constitutional provisions, the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, based on the collective wisdom of legislature. The condition of the Dalits, Scheduled Castes and other weaker sections may have improved in some pockets, but the majority of them continue to suffer socially, economically, educationally, politically and psychologically. The new millennium means nothing to innumerable people belonging to Scheduled Castes who have to wait for ‘Caste Hindus’ to pour water in their water pots in rural India. The cases relating to degrading discrimination, social injustice, educational deprivation and psychological stigmatisation in this regard are too numerous to be cited here. Caste bias is so strong in India that even dacoits lurking in the Chambal ravines feel superior to others on the basis of the caste mark on their foreheads. To say that a person’s status is either high or low on the basis of birth in a particular caste is antithetical to any religion or spiritual teaching. Swami Vivekananda rightly pointed out that “the idea that one is born superior to another has no meaning in Vedant.” His philosophy of non-dualism confirming the concept of fatherhood of God and brotherhood of humanity was thunderously applauded in the World Conference of Religions at Chicago. Belief in Cosmic spirit is the highest form of religion. The Vedantic belief of one divinity is nothing but a call for liberty, equality, fraternity and justice. Guru Gobind Singh emphatically declared, “Know you all that the caste of mankind is one.” “The distinction between caste and outcaste is artificial and unspiritual” as per the commentary on the Bhagvadgita written by Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. The scriptures teach us eternal values which appeal to conscience. The evil of untouchability is against the dictates of our conscience, hence it is sinful. The fundamental right on the abolition of untouchability under Article 17 can be meaningful only if fundamental duties relating to promotion of humanism, respect for human dignity and fraternity laid down under Article 51 A are carried out sincerely by every citizen. Social reformers, saints, public relations officials, politicians, bureaucrats, the judiciary, print and electronic media, civic bodies, NGOs must make all-out efforts to sensitise the people on the issue. The provisions of the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, must be effectively enforced. Special courts should be created for the trial of the cases under these Acts. Former Supreme Court Judge V.R.Krishna Iyer says: “We want judges and administrators who understand and share tears and tyranny of the Dalits must guide us”. Similarly, National Human Rights Commission Chairman J.S.Verma says: “it is the job of every institution of governance to eradicate caste discrimination”. The functionaries of the criminal justice system, who are reluctant to carry out their legal duties must be sternly dealt with keeping in view Article 46 of our Constitution which lays down that the State shall protect the members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. The social ladder, which is reverentially ascended and contemptuously descended on the basis of caste, must be done away with by public support. The majority of people living below poverty line are Scheduled Castes. Their economic uplift would go a long way in eradicating untouchability. Unhealthy and unfair criticism of Dr B.R. Ambedkar must be avoided. A journalist-turned-politician, who authored a book to denigrate Dr B.R. Ambedkar for not fighting for the freedom of the country, concealed truth by revealing only a part of it. Probably, his concept of country excludes the population belonging to the Scheduled Castes and his concept of freedom debars social and economic freedom. That is why he has conveniently overlooked the fact that Dr Ambedkar fought twin battles for justice — against the British Raj and against those who were interested in perpetuating social and economic slavery of the Scheduled Castes. Those who take the oath of office in the name of Constitution of India have a special responsibility to ensure that vertical diversity based on caste is opposed in the strongest terms and the civil rights of the Scheduled Castes are protected to the fullest extent. The divisive forces which endanger the unity and integrity of our country must be fought tooth and nail. All those who are blessed with magnanimity of mind and profundity of vision must enlighten the people to see divine light within each person and effectively propagate the concept of fatherhood of God and brotherhood of mankind leaving no scope for the evil of untouchability. They must practise what they preach remembering the saying. “It is better to light a candle than to curse darkness.” The writer, a former IPS officer, was Additional Director-General of Police, Punjab. |
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The sweep of communal virus in Haryana The notion that the chances of communal tension are meagre in Haryana on account of a small size of Muslim population, largely concentrated in Mewat area, is highly mistaken. At the time of communal conflagration in Gujarat, communal tension reached a high level at a number of towns in Haryana, resulting in torching of the houses and shops of the members of the Muslim community. Some Christian nuns too have been attacked in Jhajjar district. A systematic attempt has been going on for the last several years in the state to communalise the social scene. The Arya Samaj movement has been quite strong in the state and cow protection has been an important part of the ethos of the Arya Samajists. The cow slaughter has been tactically picked up by the communal forces as an emotive issue to whip up communal frenzy. Jhajjar district in Haryana occupies a pride of place in this matter. The Gurukal at Jhajjar — a powerful institution — has spawned a large number of ‘Gau bhakats’. (That dozens of stray cows can be seen in the town rummaging through heaps of garbage, often swallowing polythene bags, does not stir the conscience of anyone is a different matter). The location of the Mewat area nearby has added fuel to the fire. Seeing its potential for communal tension, several communal organisations have been active in the area. Hoardings have been put up at strategic points on roads in several towns in the state, depicting a Muslim killing a cow. These hoardings have been there for more than a year. When the communally charged mob started swelling at the Duleena police post, several senior officers, civilian as well as police, reached the post when the victims were alive but the Jhajjar SSP reached there after 10 pm when the mob had dispersed after completing the sordid task. This senior police officer happens to be a Muslim and ostensibly, he did not reach the spot earlier, fearing that his presence might further infuriate the mob. The intensity of communal frenzy can be gauged from the fact that an attempt has been made to erase the name of the SSP from the board at Duleena police post. A rumour was spread that the SSP was sympathetic to the cow slaughterers and he would help them in escaping. It is realibly learnt that there were phone calls from Delhi and Rohtak, asking the Jhajjar authorities not to make any arrest. A day after the lynching the communal forces took out a procession in Jhajjar, warning the administration that there would be Hindu backlash if any arrest was made. — DRC |
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Humiliated, poor Dalits hope for a slightly better life by getting converted Recent happenings in Haryana and Tamil Nadu suggest that they may not be different. In Jhajjar, Haryana, caste Hindus lynched five Dalits over rumours they had actually killed a cow before skinning it. The Haryana police took their own time in ordering an investigation. Always ready to defend the killers, some of the leaders of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, came out with the shocking statement that the life of a cow was precious than human beings. That did not answer the question why someone had been brutally killed for skinning a cow which was very dead. Some weeks before this gruesome incident happened in Haryana, the Tamil Nadu government issued an ordinance banning religious conversion though coercion or any kind of inducement. There was no provocation for this act, in fact there had been no mass conversion in the state. It appeared to be a purely political move which won applause from the BJP and other members of the Sangh Parivar. The Catholic Church in the state, which felt that the Ordinance was directed against it, was not pleased. It planned a series of protest moves which included the threat to close down hundreds of much-acclaimed schools and colleges run by the Church all over the state. How are these two incidents which happened in two distant states connected? It is well known that India’s millions of Dalits are in the centre of the conversion controversy and it is essential to analyse the causes why some of them opted to get converted to other religions, particularly Christianity, Islam and Buddhism. Despite the single citizenship of India under our Constitution and the provision that all citizens are equal, the Dalits know these assurances did not apply to them. Centuries of poverty, backwardness and oppression had taken their toll. Despite 55 years of independence, the lower castes continued to be the victims of all kinds of ill treatment. No Indian state is exempt from this shameful discrimination, including Jayalalithaa’s Tamil Nadu. The South may take pride in the fact that it was more or less free from communal riots, but casteism is still rampant. It is a different kind of casteism. The once powerful Brahmins were no longer the tormentors. In fact, after nearly 35 years of Dravidian rule by the DMK and the AIDMK, the Brahmins had been at the receiving end of discrimination and had even opted to leave the state. The struggle was among the lower castes and its numerous branches. The caste riots in the state were more often between the ‘upper and more militant’ among the lower castes like the Thevars and the truly backward classes like the Dalits. The latter, even to this day, could not draw water from the village wells, dare not walk on the middle of the road or lift up their eyes and look at the members of the upper castes. Any of these actions could invite brutal retaliation. If such incidents happened in remote regions of the country, they went unnoticed and the guilty invariably escaped punishment. Tourists in Tamil Nadu were often shocked when wayside restaurants had separate crockery to serve the local backward classes because any plates, cups or saucers used by them became ‘polluted’. If these were the conditions of Dalits in Tamil Nadu, they were no better elsewhere. Every day, the media reported bizarre and heart breaking stories of harassment. Dalit women were raped, paraded naked on the streets, men forced to eat excreta, kept under bonded labour for years, homes and fields burnt down and so on. The history of independent India was both pathetic and shameful on the treatment meted out to Dalits. The police, at best, were indifferent. Worse, they colluded with the tormentors. Yes, the Dalits did have some elected representatives at the political level. But they were more concerned extending their own pockets of influence than helping members of their own caste. One often felt that only a revolution, like the French Revolution, could bring justice to the oppressed in India. But unlike the French masses, the Indian lower castes were so hopelessly divided that they could not decide on a single issue. The only alternative was to get rid of the label of being a Dalit. And conversion offered some hope. The Indian system had already banned any conversion through force or offer of inducements. Yet, these had gone on for centuries, particularly in certain specific regions, like the North-Eastern states. The Constitution had also assured protection to every Indian citizen which did not materialise. The oppressed Dalit, always living in danger of his life, was too weak, ignorant and poor to seek legal redress. He could either die a slow, miserable death or hope for a slightly better life by getting converted. Religions like Buddhism, Christianity and Islam, exploited this fear and offered a ray of hope. Compulsion and inducements, in fact, were strictly not needed. Even the mention of a better life with more dignity and self-respect was enough. The Dalits were offered a new identity. Conversion did not offer any miracles, the convert would still remain poor. But he need not be a social outcaste and there was some organisation to which he could turn to help. Mass conversions always followed major caste riots and violence. The people at the receiving end were naturally keen to avoid any repetitions and were made to believe that acquiring a new identity could save their lives and property. If there was a Church in the vicinity, it could take up their causes and even fight for them A 1977 Supreme Court judgement while allowing a person to propagate his religion drew the line: “It has to be remembered,” said the verdict, “that Article 25 (1) guarantees freedom of conscience, to every citizen and not merely to the followers of one particular religion, and that , in turn, postulates that there is no fundamental right to convert another person to ones own religion because if a person purposely undertakes the conversion of another person to his religion, as distinguished from his efforts to transmit or spread the tenets of his religion, that would impinge on the ‘freedom of conscience’ guaranteed to all the citizens of the country alike.” This is taking a legalistic point of view. There is no mention of the fact that conversion is a deeply spiritual issue to be decided by the conscience of an individual. The Dalits may decide to switch over to a different religion only for the sake of survival, but can it be denied that at least some among them had been moved by the tenents of say Christianity or Buddhism? Religion is birth-based, one cannot avoid it, but one acquires spirituality after some intellectual maturity. Freedom of religion as conceived in Article 25 is an individual and not a group right. Freedom of conscience is a fundamental citizenship right. One may choose any religion of one’s choice or opt to be an agnostic or an atheist. The Supreme Court verdict had not paid attention to the conscience of the individual as in Article 25. It would be difficult for one to interpret this Article in a way that denied the individual the freedom to choose a faith of his preference. The writer, a veteran commentator, is former Editor-in-Chief, Readers Digest (India). |
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Punjab needs strategic and tactical planning for good governance The concept of human development is, probably, as old as homo sapiens. It came into recent focus when the United Nations Development Programme first brought out a world report on the subject in 1990. It, perhaps, derived its philosophical underpinnings from the writings of the Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen, who came up with the idea of ‘human development index’. It combines three essentials: longevity, knowledge and per capita income. If the first gives an opportunity to live a long and a healthy life, the second enables a human being to be empowered and interact on equality with the society and the last one provides an opportunity to access the basic needs and lead a decent standard of living. The nucleus of UNDP reports, to quote Mahbud-ul-Haq, is ‘people’, who matter more than the national or state gross domestic products or economic and financial statistics or budgetary jargon. What today matters to the people who are concerned with human development is how ‘people’ act, react or change over time or contribute to new economic opportunities or share them. It is UNDP that provided finance to India’s Planning Commission to have reports prepared on human development at national and state level. The National Human Development Report-2001 is out. Now the final draft of the Punjab Human Development Report-2001 is available. My immediate reaction after going through the 234-page Punjab report was to scream at the politicians and politicised bureaucrats telling them there is a Punjab beyond politics and self. A Punjab, which is neglected and ignored. A Punjab, smarting under disparities, discrimination, deprivation and unequal opportunities. A Punjab, whose economic prosperity (both of small/ marginal/ medium kisan and small-time industrial entrepreneur) has reached a plateau. A Punjab, where prime indices of progress and prosperity, education and health, are weak in service and quality. A Punjab, where sex ratio is skewed, female infanticide is rising, women and children are anaemic, drug addiction is endemic and Scheduled Castes/ Dalits/ migratory labour are in need of attention. Punjab, in sum, needs ‘strategic and tactical’ planning and policies, as much to mitigate the suffering of the have-nots as for good governance, which means not just good ‘economic’, ‘civil’ and ‘political’ governance but also ‘humane’ governance. Punjab has seemingly failed on all these qualities and essentials even as its much-hyped ‘e-governance’ is still several clicks away! The report offers no solutions, as such. It only recapitulates what is already known, encompasses all human development aspects with focus on ‘people’. It points out the obvious as much as what has gone wrong where and the need to correct the same. It leads you to several socio-economic dark areas and makes you pause and ponder at places that are often overlooked in our day-to-day ‘business as usual’ life. Punjab landscape is fast changing and so is its demographic map and urban/ rural profile. One can ignore or turn a Nelson’s eye to ‘that’ Punjab only at the peril of future of the ‘people’. A quick overview of the report, which has a fair share of bouquets for Punjab and ‘people’ for some of their singular achievements, brings to focus the following aspects: Its three distinct regions, Majha, Doaba and Malwa have visible pockets of poverty and prosperity in all aspects of human life that arch from agriculture and industry to education and health, civic amenities to infrastructure. The poor performance of the government in respect of education and health and caring for women and children is one aspect of human development on which the report has only brickbats to offer. Its profiles of ‘disadvantaged’ groups and communities should be of major concern to all Punjabis. Why is the media so shy to focus on such aspects of the life of the ‘people’ and is so shadowed only by political reporting? The report acknowledges that no sector of the economy, primary, secondary or tertiary, can progress or develop in isolation. The need of the hour is backward and forward linkages for an ‘integrated’ development, both physical and human. The report takes cognisance of crisis that besiege agriculture; industrial investments that bypassed mega projects in Punjab, post-Independence; missing linkages between agriculture and industry and failure of industry to absorb labour. It points to the exhaustible resources and stresses on “long-term adjustment plan for economy”. The most startling, besides facts on literacy/ education/ school dropout rate, are the revelations about health and diseases. There are, in urban/ rural Punjab, 76 people ailing per 1,000 population, which is the third highest among all states. Major diseases that prevail are tuberculosis and malaria, the latter is a ‘gift’ of migratory labour. In years ahead, mental and physical health of Punjabis will be a cause concern, while there is already a high rate of cardiac problems. Drug abuse is serious. There are at least a million cases of narcotic addicts and alcoholics, who need intervention. These are street children, unemployed and unemployable youth, agriculture and migratory labour. Tobacco, crude alcohol, brown sugar, heroin, paint thinner, kerosene, cough syrup etc. are common intoxicants. Over 74 per cent children in Punjab are anaemic and so are nearly 42 per cent women. Accessibility to food or income is no excuse. It is lack of knowledge. No wonder infant mortality rate is high. Despite expansion of infrastructure of health delivery system, people mostly depend upon private sources for medical and health care. The report shows a roadmap, a clear pointer and a reminder to powers that be of a living, throbbing world of ‘people’ beyond the façade of anti-corruption campaigns and vacuous political sermons. Will this report too be put on the shelf of history? |
Architect of the new J&K Govt Mehbooba, who was earlier considered an obstacle in forging a Congress-PDP government, became a facilitator. It was also a historic coincidence that the kidnapping of Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed’s younger daughter Rubaiya Mufti in 1989, marked the rise of militancy in the valley and, 13 years after, Mahbooba has been dousing the flames of extremism and applying the healing touch. The Mufti was the Home Minister in the V.P. Singh government in 1989 and Rubaiya a medical student; few had heard the name of Mehbooba then. Nineteen years down the lane, she is most popular leader in the strife-torn valley and emerging as a new generation leader. Mehbooba has no intention of joining the Mufti-led coalition but, in likelihood may step into the shoes of her father as the PDP president. It was, after all, her intensive campaigning back and forth in the Valley that made the PDP a major player in the elections. Mehbooba emerged on the political scene only six years back. The Mufti was elected to the Lok Sabha from the Anantnag constituency in 1996 election on the Congress ticket and his daughter won Bijbehara Assembly seat. Both resigned from the Congress in1999 following differences with the Congress leadership. She quit her Assembly seat half way through the six-year term and they floated the People’s Democratic Party; nobody thought the new party had any future. The credit of bringing up the PDP as a political force in the Valley goes to Mehbooba and the key to her success was maintaining a close rapport with the people. She tried to reach every victim in any part of Kashmir without caring for her personal security. She detested violence but sympathised with the misled Kashmiri youth who have taken to gun. She was often heard saying: “They are my brothers who have to be brought to the mainstream”. Mehbooba has restored the prestige of her father and enabled him to oust the National Conference; a dream the Mufti cherished in his 40-year-long political career. There was a time when he alone carried the Congress flag in the Valley and had the courage to cross sword with the mighty Sheikh Abdullah and his son, Farooq Abdullah. The Mufti paid a heavy price for his hostility to Abdullahs, harassed and suffered, one setback after another, but never compromised on what he believed to be correct. The third generation of “Abdullah” was trounced by the party led by his daughter. As he took oath as the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, the Mufti, 67, must be feeling a sense of fulfillment. Now 41, Mehbooba was a law student when she entered the Kashmir Assembly six years go, but she had seen politics from close quarters and, unlike her younger sister, a medical student, she had a political streak in her. Mufti Sahib was then India’s Home Minister and an important member of then ruling Janata Dal hierarchy. Mehbooba’s political antennae was sharp and she could grasp the tricks of the weird world of politics soon. The in-built political acumen in her personality proliferated as she built up her party which nobody took seriously. As a senior PDP leader choose to put it: “The father is the thinker and Mehbooba the doer”. Though Mehbooba is sharp and intelligent and knows what to talk, she is not good in articulating complex political situations and thoughts. Broadly she supports a fair, democratic government within the framework of the Indian Constitution, but her objective is to draw militants’ groups into the peace process. She feels that all militants should not be treated as terrorists and has been quoted as saying that “if you see all of them as terrorists, whom would you talk to”. She minces no words in saying that she is for unconditional talks with militants and calls for an end to human rights abuses in Kashmir. This is likely to be the policy of the new government in J&K. On personal front, domestically her life is a wreck. Separated with her husband, she lives with her father. She is a caring mother of two daughters who study in Delhi. She would like to spend more time with children. Amidst her heavy political preoccupation sometimes she misses them. |
Pervez’s life in danger: astrologer In his Prasna Kundli, prepared on the basis of three specific questions, Sahni says the hemming of Lagna by Ketu and Mars placed in second and 12th houses is again fatal for the life of Gen Musharraf. Besides, Ketu is acting as a markesh planet being posited in the house of Mars in Scorpio in the second house. The lagna of the supplementary chart is afflicted by debilitating Sun which is further hemmed by fiery planets like Mars and Ketu which indicate serious threat to the life of Gen Musharraf, says Sahni, who is supposed to be a specialist in Vaastu, gems, tantra and astro-remedies. Sahni says Gen Musharraf faces seriousn threat to his life by fire, firearms or expolison by bomb blast. Big deal! One may say because that is the way most assassinations take place these days. Here comes the most breathtaking part of Sahni’s prediction: a woman would be actively involved in master-minding the plot against Musharraf. As if this were not enough, Sahni has answers to two more questions most people in the Indian subcontinent would want an answer to: one, will Pakistan survive as a nation; and second, what is the fate of the Kashmir problem? Sahni’s predictons are that division/ disintegration of Pakistan from its present position is indicated and there is no immediate solution to the Kashmir problem as the position of Lagnesh is not conducive for any settlement in near future. Sahib's sir Verma, who is well-known for his informal approach, went round the stadium shaking hands with each and every person who have come from various states to participate in the rally. This forced Khurana and other Delhi leaders also to wave their hands to people seated in various stands in the stadium. The former Delhi Chief Minister also took it upon himself to develop good rapport with BJP’s Mahila Morcha members too. The other day, when the Morcha held its first meeting after it was reconstituted, Verma hosted a special lunch for them at his house in Tughlaq Lane and ensured that there were enough vehicles to ferry them in case of any need. In Tau's for
footsteps Union Labour Minister Sahib Singh Verma seems to be following the footsteps of the former Deputy Prime Minister. Verma has in his Tuglaq Lane official residence got two cows and two buffaloes. UP pot boiling Samajwadi Party general secretary Amar Singh has single-handedly brought the Uttar Pradesh political cauldron to the boiling point. In the process, he has treaded on many toes in his own party. While his boss Mulayam Singh Yadav, dazzled by Amar Singh’s five-star approach and treatment of politics in the state, is not ready to hear anything against his trusted colleague, resentment is growing as the Supremo does not meet anybody else in the party barring a few exceptions. A party leader said Sonia Gandhi would have readily agreed to support the SP claim to form the government if Amar Singh had not been using derogatory words against her in private conversations. But who should tell “Netaji” that the party’s super general secretary has a grip over him, the SP leader said. And then, with a twinkle in his eyes, he said: “And you know, in captivity our wrestler turned “Netaji” is being entertained by Congressman-turned Samajwadi general secretary of our party. Once a socialist party, Amar Singh has transformed our party into a corporate entity which used to be an anathema to our leader”. Amar Singh was AICC member from Guna (Madhya Pradesh), which was represented by the late Madhavrao Scindia. Kirpal’s new job Chief Justice of India B N Kirpal is tipped to succeed Justice J S Verma as the new chairman of National Human Rights Commisssion on January 18 next, a little bird tells us. The tenure of NHRC Chairman is five years. During his recent trip to the USA, the issue of human rights figured prominently and Justice Kirpal brilliantly presented the country’s case. Though a five-member committee headed by the Prime Minister makes a final decision on the issue, Justice Kirpal is the frontrunner as he has impressed everyone by his judgements. Contributed by Rajeev Sharma, Satish Misra, S. Satyanarayanan and T. V.
Lakshminarayan. |
Mufti’s friends flown in for coronation There are many of Mufti Sayeed’s friends who have especially flown from New Delhi to Srinagar to witness the swearing in ceremony of the
new J&K Chief Minister. People were definitely not happy with the 17-day Governor’s rule. They do see a strong ray of hope in Mufti’s daughter — 41- year-old Mehbooba, who has already made inroads in the actual sense. An extremely vocal person, there’s that sense of sincerity and honesty in whatever she says. Last fortnight when I had to interview Mehbooba, Mufti Sahib is the one who took the call and without any fuss or additional queries, called out for her. Sensing that she was not around, he added that she was outside on the front lawns and I could proceed to their Nowgam residence and she would be there to meet me. After reaching Nowgam, I had realised that their’s is an open house and that’s why the crowds were almost besieging the place. The contrast had hit me when just after interviewing Mehbooba I reached Broadway Hotel, where I interacted with the Jammu-based Congress camp led by Mangat Ram Sharma. Holed up in an untidy room (complete with untidily made beds and papers and other items thrown around) was Sharma and his men, all trying to munch almonds. And though at this stage one is not sure how much say would Panther’s Party chief Bhim Singh get in the new ministry, the man is absolutely clear about his pro- people sentiments. Splendid fusion Sudanese Ambassador to India Abdalmahmood Abdalhameed also a poet and writer, invited one of the country’s well known bands, the Sudanese Group led by Omar Ihsas, to play for the Indian audience. Dressed in the traditional gallabla, the group played on, even fusing their music for Shovana Narayan’s kathaking footsteps. A pity that there weren’t many in the audience to witness the Indo-Sudanese fusion. I am certain if it was a musical fusion with some Europeon setup the numbers in the audience would be many, many times more... Changing times Yes, times are definitely changing — judge it from this — at the Austrian National Day which coincided with Karva Chauth special, arrangements were made for the fasting spouses. Most of those who could be seen hogging the special fare were divorced and separated women! Eating for themselves! |
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This is competitive communalism! To Bal Thackeray who is asking Hindus to form suicide bombing squads, the question must be asked, 'Why don't you be the first to make one and set an example?' He might also enlist a few worthies of the Sangh Parivar such as Ashok Singhal, Pravin Togadia, Narendra Modi and maybe Venkaiah Naidu. This would go a long way in achieving a peaceful atmosphere in India. There is always a touch of hysteria in Thackeray's periodical pronouncements, calculated to provoke and attract attention, but this time he has surpassed himself. The wonder is, however incendiary his remarks might be, he gets away with it. No one dares touch him for fear of his mobs. Not to be outdone, Togadia abuses Sonia Gandhi in language most foul. This is competitive communalism and vulgarity. Madam Jayalalithaa has found her own way of ingratiating herself with the Sangh Parivar. She is after Christian missionaries who, according to her, are engaged in forcible conversions and conversion through inducement. Now, how does one forcibly convert? By pointing a gun at a poor Dalit's head? By tying him to a church pillar? As for inducements, what are they? Is the setting up of schools and hospitals inducement? I wish Hindu organisations would provide more of these. But then, Brahminism, which is what Hindutva and Hindu chauvinism is all about, doesn't believe in educating the lower castes or giving them access to healthcare. According to Manu, the shudras are not even supposed to listen to the vedas. The truth is that Hindutva folks don't want to face the fact that Hinduism persecutes millions of their co-religionists. It is the only religion that preaches inequality. Its philosophy is exactly the opposite of what the American Declaration of Independence spells out: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among them are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness…' The country faces the threat of a communal explosion. From the senior ranks of the BJP there is hardly a murmur of disapproval. So long as they can keep the flock together, nothing else seems to matter. Jayalalithaa seems to be totally oblivious to what's happening in the country as a result of the release of Hindutva forces. In Haryana, five Dalits were lynched by a mob for the supposed crime of killing a cow. In Tamil Nadu, the most unbelievable kinds of atrocities are regularly perpetrated on Dalits. According to a report in Frontline, 'they are murdered and maimed; women are raped; their children are abused and deprived of schooling; they are dispossessed of their property; their houses are torched; they are denied their legitimate rights and their sources of livelihood are destroyed.' In some cases they are forced to eat human excreta. Is it any wonder that they should seek relief from this persecution in a religion that believes 'that all men are created equal?' In the context of such torture, where is the need for inducements? For Dalits, conversion is the only hope of escape. Such was the case when Dr. Ambedkar 'converted' thousands of Dalits to Buddhism. All he had to do was to choose a suitable religion. He found Buddhism the most suitable, because it was Indian, it had no god, and it was egalitarian. Unless some such movement takes place again, the fate of our secular, democratic society is uncertain. We may soon become a country with a past, but no future. |
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Mehbooba Mufti, it appears, has a role cut out for her in the history of Kashmir. Her last-minute telephone call to Sonia Gandhi changed the course of events and also averted what looked like an imminent catastrophe. Had the Congress-PDP coalition fell through, it would have been negation of the people’s verdict and the history, cruel judge as it is, would have held the leaderships of the two parties responsible for “ the historic blunder”. 
For those who believe in astrology, there is a bombshell. And if you happen to be a Pakistani, read this with fingers crossed. There is a warning for Pakistan President Gen Pervez Musharraf from his planetary position. Gen Musharraf’s life appears to be in grave danger, says Ramesh K Sahni, astrologer and occultist. 
In politics public relations is a key ingredient. One can take a tip or two from Union Labour Minister Sahib Singh Verma. During the NDA rally last week, held to mark the completion of three years of the Vajpayee-led Government, Verma virtually snatched away the focus from Delhi Pradesh BJP president Madan Lal Khurana, who was the main organiser and coordinator of the rally at Talkatora Indoor Stadium.
The late Devi Lal, popularly known as ‘Tau’ had created a flutter in officialdom when he converted his official residence into a typical village house by tying buffaloes in the backyard and creating a store house for fodder.