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Sunday,
October 27, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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SPECIAL FOCUS: FIELD REPORTS FROM J&K
Regional divide comes to the fore once again
PDP makes inroads |
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Consolidation of Jammu’s secular, regional identity
Vibrant Kashmiris’ word of caution
Youth give full marks to Mehbooba Mufti
A tale of three Singhs in UP Joshi’s man Friday Cells or Cellular Indian surprise Badminton buff Vaghela syndrome
India’s ace runner in trouble
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SPECIAL FOCUS: FIELD REPORTS FROM J&K WHERE do we go from here? When this question was put to the Chairman of the All Party Hurriyat Conference, Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat, he said “men with a will can go and reach anywhere. Men with wishes can reach nowhere”.
He explains that whatever shape the new government will take in the hung State Assembly, it cannot “wish for the turmoil to end without taking the desired measures for tackling the root cause of the problem”. To him, the new government, whatever its hues and ideologies, “cannot settle the Kashmir issue because those who claim that the problem has been solved by holding the Assembly elections are wrong”. There are wheels within wheels as far as the Kashmir issue and the plight of the people are concerned. Neither the core issue has been settled with “bullet for bullet policy” nor the miseries of people have been tackled with Central assistance. The problem has become so complex that neither the new government nor the Centre nor the people of Kashmir can resolve it within a specific timeframe. The reason: Pakistan has so far been unacceptable to any settlement. When Islamabad found that it could not get Kashmir despite three wars, it aided and encouraged cross-border terrorism which has ravaged the state, caused immense loss of life and added to the level of political instability and to the miseries of people. For all these 13 years, the scale of militancy-related violence fluctuated, but without any sign of an early end.
Consequently, one cannot expects a political party or a coalition to restore peace and normalcy in the state. Of course, things can improve if there are collective efforts by the Centre, the state and the people. Admittedly, terrorism cannot be fought by gun-wielding policemen alone. Counter-insurgency measures need to have people’s backing. However, the majority of people in the troubled Kashmir Valley feel alienated. The level of alienation increased with poor performance of the state government and the failure of successive governments at the Centre to monitor utilisation of funds for development. The new government has to bring people out of oblivion and mistrust so that their cooperation in the anti-insurgency operations was readily available. People in Kashmir have, over the years, learnt to live in an atmosphere of uncertainty and bloodshed. Life does not come to a halt even if several areas are rocked by series of explosions and shootouts resulting in the death of scores of people. There is a momentary silence when men and women weep over the dead. Then it is normal again. Against this background, the new regime has the subtle responsibility of infusing confidence among the people. This is possible only if the state, with assistance from the Centre and the security agencies, contain militancy. Since huge funds are spent on security, not much is left with the Centre to spare for development The annual security-related expenses have rocketed from about Rs 152 crore in 1992-1993 to Rs 600 crore at present. According to Mr Chander Mohan Sharma, BJP’s senior vice-president, this amount could have been utilised on power generation and for augmenting drinking water supply. He says when more than 11,000 civilians were killed by the militants between 1990 and September 2002, the Centre had to disburse Rs one lakh in each case towards ex-gratia. The relief on security personnel was very high, ranging between Rs 2 lakh and Rs 7 lakh each. Experts say, the Centre should initiate a dialogue not only with the separatists and militants operating within the state but also with Pakistan so that the basic issue of Kashmir was resolved, even if it meant a major border adjustment with Pakistan under a give and take policy. Otherwise, massive anti-insurgency operations within the state and on the LoC are needed to root out terrorism. If this could happen, the state government could utilise the security-related expenses on development. Despite its poor performance, the Farooq Abdullah government provided political stability. This was possible because the National Conference (NC) had a two-thirds majority in the House. As no party has absolute majority in the present Assembly, the new regime will find it difficult to provide good governance as also give a healing touch to the bruised mind and body of the people. With a two-thirds majority, the NC leadership could remain complacent; it could shut its eyes towards the level of misrule though it did not fail on all fronts. It could not have invited people’s wrath had the ministers and MLAs conducted themselves in a responsible manner. As prolonged militancy has complicated the security situation, cooperation between the Centre and the state is a must. Having been aware of it, Dr Farooq Abdullah joined the NDA which also contributed to his party’s poor performance in the Muslim-dominated Kashmir Valley. The ideology and political approach of the new regime may differ from the one being pursued by the Centre, but there should be no confrontation. The state cannot run without the Centre’s logistic, economic and political support due to its meagre resources. Mr Raman Bhalla, Congress leader who defeated Mr Harbans Singh, a minister in the Farooq Abdullah government, says “You cannot expect the state to survive without the Centre’s support as against its resources to the tune of about Rs 1200 crore, the annual wage bill of the staff has touched Rs 2,200 crore”. The Centre should also waive off the debt of Rs 1275 crore. An NC leader, on condition of anonymity, says, in the past six years, “we have been requesting the Centre to waive off the debt as payment of about Rs 600 crore on its servicing per year was a heavy loss to the state exchequer, but in vain”. He said the Centre had adopted different yardsticks for Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab. It waived off Rs 1,800 crore Central debt in case of Punjab on the ground that it was ravaged the militancy. However, it refused the same principle in the case of Kashmir where militancy destroyed its resources and affected tax collection. The new regime may win accolades if it is able to take measures for the permanent rehabilitation of border migrants in the Jammu region. Unfortunately, over 45,000 people of Akhnoor sector, including those in Pallanwala and Pajtoot, have been living in tented colonies ever since the 1999 Kargil conflict. Whenever they attempted to return to their ancestral villages, they were greeted by the Pakistani gun and mortar fire. That a majority of these border migrants have voted against the National Conference is no secret. For, the promise of the NC leadership that it would allot 10 marlas of land in safer areas where they could built their houses with government assistance was never fulfilled. Referring to this problem, Union Minister State for Defence, Prof. Chaman Lal Gupta, says, these refugees deserve to be rehabilitated. They could be given small plots to build houses in safer border belts where the family members of the migrants could live. He says, early solution to the border problem is difficult, but some measures could be taken to pull the migrants out of difficulties. Another issue that needs to be tackled by the new regime is the grant of full citizenship rights to the refugees from Pakistan who have settled in Jammu since 1947-48. Though their number has swelled to over one lakh, they have not been given proprietary rights of the land and the houses allotted to them. They can vote in the Lok Sabha polls but not in the Assembly election. They are not eligible for government jobs or seeking admission in professional colleges within the state whereas their counterparts, settled in other states, have all the rights. Prof Gupta says, when the state government could enact the Resettlement law providing for citizenship rights to those who had migrated to Pakistan and were keen to return to Jammu and Kashmir, why cannot the state authorities enact a legislation granting all rights to Pakistan refugees settled in Jammu? He says, the state has been taking care of the properties of those who have migrated to Pakistan during 1947-48, but it did little to ensure the safety of the immovable properties left by the Kashmiri Pandit migrants in the valley during their exodus in 1990. Prof Gupta and others are of the opinion that the new regime will have to address itself to the serious issue of regional discrimination. If the level of discrimination is not reduced, the Jammuites may create a situation in which trifurcation may not be avoided, he feared. It is in this context that the cry for restoration of greater autonomy needs to be silenced as it could prove counter-productive. Every slogan for greater autonomy would be countered by the slogan for statehood status for Jammu, he says. The people have voted for a change and the new dispensation should not disappoint them. If it does so, it cannot escape the wrath of the people who did not spare even what once seemed to be the invincible National Conference. If the people feel dismayed, they would recollect the old Kashmiri idiom Koli Khota Chi Kol Sarad (one stream is colder than the other). They may realise then that “this order is worse than the other one”. Kashmir today stands not on the crossroad of destiny but of decision. Wrong decisions could compound the turmoil, while right decisions can apply balm to the wounds of the people.  |
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Regional divide comes to the fore once again THE elections in Jammu and Kashmir have for the first time not only resulted in a hung Assembly, but brought to the fore the regional divide. The seeds of regional hatred sown in the past have sprouted in the election with the fight between the two main parties — the Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) — on the issue of chief ministership. While the Congress is claiming the slot for Mr Ghulam Nabi Azad, PCC chief who belongs to Jammu, the PDP has failed to forge an alliance with the Congress as it was demanding the CM’s post for Mufti Mohammed Sayeed on the ground that the verdict was in favour of his party. The regional divide has also exposed certain senior leaders who had so far been preaching brotherhood among all the three regions of the state — Jammu, the Kashmir Valley and Ladakh — but highlighted regionalism in the election campaign. Not only the two major regions, Jammu and Kashmir, but the people of Ladakh have also ventilated their aspirations this time with the Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF) winning both seats of Leh unopposed. No candidate of the Congress and the National Conference contested the two seats against the LUTF nominees. The outfit, backed by all parties, except the NC, is demanding separation from Kashmir and a Union Territory status for the cold desert area. At the time of writing, the PDP’s refusal to accept Mr Azad as Chief Minister has not been relished in the Jammu region. This is for the first time in the past 55 years that the issue of chief ministership to Jammu has been raised. A senior Congress leader, on condition of anonymity, said that whenever the demand for Jammu’s separation from the Valley came, a section of the Kashmir leadership pointed out that of the six districts of Jammu, only two-and-a-half Hindu dominated districts of Jammu, Kathua and half of Udhampur could separate and the areas on the other side of the Chenab consisting of Doda, Rajouri and Poonch should remain with Kashmir. However, this time they got exposed as they were not accepting Mr Azad as Chief Minister. He belongs to the Muslim-dominated Doda district which they want to retain with Kashmir under the Dixon formula. It is said that Mr Azad not only studied in Kashmir, but was a Kashmiri-speaking Muslim married in the Valley. It is also said that the only Assembly election won by PDP chief Mufti Mohammed Sayeed so far was from the Ranbirsingh Pura constituency of the Jammu district in 1980, where the people open heartedly accepted him as the leader. However, he is not reciprocating with the same spirit this time, it is alleged. The Congress has won 20 seats in the state, while the PDP got 16 seats in the Valley. Both sides are claiming that their respective leaders were in a better position to rule because of their vast political and administrative experience. The Jammu region never had a Chief Minister as the post always went to Kashmir although during the Congress regime, at times, the strength of the MLAs of the party was more in Jammu. This is for the first time that the question of chief ministership for the Jammu region is being debated openly. Many parties, including the National Panthers Party and the J&K Panthers Party, fought the election on the sensitive issue of separate state for Jammu as the area was allegedly being discriminated by successive governments. The Jammu State Morcha (JSM) was backed by the RSS which has so far traditionally been supporting the BJP in all the previous elections. Though the JSM failed to win a single seat in Jammu town, a rebel of the Congress, who contested as a candidate from the Morcha from Bishnah in Jammu district, won. Mr Bhim Singh, Panthers Party chief, says, “the voice of dissent which remained suppressed for 55 years came to the political surface for the first time in the state. This is the real trend of emergence of the democratic aspirations of the people of the three regions which is a healthy trend”. “It will give rise to a natural phenomenon to reorganise the state on cultural, linguistic and geographical identity of the three regions”, he says. Mr Bhim Singh says that “the declaration of the PDP that they will not accept a Jammu man as Chief Minister has substantiated the claim of the people of Jammu that the future growth of their identity, culture and language is possible only when they are accorded statehood”. This is not for the first time that the issue of separation of Jammu from the Kashmir Valley has been discussed publicly. Some Dogri writers and prominent figures of the Jammu region and the Kangra and Chamba districts of Himachal Pradesh had some time ago raised the voice for the merger of Jammu area with Himachal Pradesh. However, the move died down as it did not get political support from either of the states. The Gajendragadkar Commission and other committees recommended that steps should be taken to meet the aspirations of the people of Jammu at the political and administrative levels. However, most of these recommendations remain unimplemented. |
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PDP makes inroads THE emergence of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) of former Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed as the third major party, having won 16 out of 46 seats in the Kashmir Valley, has led to a political stalemate in the state. The PDP's inroads into the traditional bastions of the National Conference (NC) has led to a precarious situation for both the NC and the Congress. Both the Congress, which got 20 seats as against eight in the last Assembly, and the PDP had one-point programme — defeat the NC. And both have been trying to iron out their differences and form a government. The recent elections are different from those held in 1996. Several questions were raised: whether elections could be held in the militancy-infested state? Will people come out to exercise their franchise in t he face of militants’ threats? Will peace and democracy ever return? This time, however, the issues were different. The Congress mainly focussed on the “mismanagement and misrule” of the NC. The PDP was born only about four years back, after Mufti’s daughter Mehbooba Mufti, elected in 1996 as a Congress member from Beijbehara resigned from the Assembly membership and the Congress in 1997. It launched campaign against the NC on grounds of “favouritism, nepotism and no relief to the victims of militancy”. It emerged as a force to be reckoned with when it bagged 16 seats in the Kashmir Valley alone, making inroads into the traditional bastions of the NC, even to the extent of defeating NC’s chief ministerial candidate, Omar Abdullah from Sheikh family's home ground of Ganderbal. After the results were declared, the PDP has been focussing on three issues: disband the Special Operations Group (SOG) of the Jammu and Kashmir Police for its alleged excesses on innocent masses; release of jailed separatists; and holding talks with separatists for restoring peace and normalcy in the state. Peace has been on the top of the agenda of all political parties. The NC fought the 1996 elections on the main plank of greater autonomy to J&K. This demand continued to be in the agenda of the NC during the past six years. Two committees were constituted. Dr Karan Singh, who headed the State Autonomy Committee, resigned mid-way, following which seniormost NC leader and the then Minister, Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah, was appointed the new Chairman. A resolution passed by the State Assembly was summarily rejected by the Union Government, though it agreed to continue talks with the elected members of the NC on autonomy. Fresh efforts with the appointment of Mr Arun Jaitley as the Centre’s representative to hold talks with NC representative, Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah, have already been initiated. The reports of other committees on regional autonomy within the state have also led to the idea of further dividing Jammu and Kashmir on regional and communal lines. The issue was downplayed by the NC during the recent elections. Union Minister of State for External Affairs, who is also the NC president, Omar Abdullah has resolved to continue his party’s efforts on greater autonomy as ,he feels, it was the only way for restoring peace and normalcy in the state. As the mainstream political parties have been debating on various issues like greater autonomy (with the exception of the NC), the separatists questioning the finality of the state’s accession to India believe that autonomy is no solution to the Kashmir problem. The All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC), a conglomeration of 23 separatist groups, feels that elections or autonomy are no solution to the problem in Kashmir, where “addressing the basic issue”
could alone ensure peace not only in the state, but in the entire south Asia. The mainstream political parties have varied views on restoring peace in the state. It remains to be seen whether these parties succeed in their “mission” to fulfil their promises made to the people. |
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Consolidation of Jammu’s secular, regional identity AN important outcome of the recent elections is the consolidation of secular
identity of Jammu. The way the BJP had been rejected by Jammu voters marks a qualitative change in the regional and state politics. The BJP won only one seat now whereas it was leading in 31 out of 37 Assembly segments in the last Lok Sabha election in 1999 in this region. It’s sole victory was against the scion of the royal family and a minister, Ajat Shatru. A young BJP worker and local candidate from Nagrota became the rallying figure of protest. The Congress won 15 out of 20 seats from Jammu. It promised to redress its long standing grievances about neglect by the rulers (who always belonged to Kashmir), remove regional imbalances in political, financial, developmental and administrative fields through Regional Development Boards and a federal set up. But its catchy slogan was that the CM would be from Jammu region. As Mr Ghulam Nabi Azad was a Muslim from Doda district of Jammu, it consolidated Hindu majority and Muslim majority districts into a single
cohesive regional identity. We represented to the Delimitation Commission, on behalf of about 1,000 voters from Doda that they did not want separation from Jammu. I explained to the chairman of the Commission and the then Union Home Minister Gulzari Lal Nanda of the dangerous consequences of division of Jammu on religious lines. Fortunately, both agreed and the proposal was shelved. When I presented my draft outline of a constitution for the state which provided for regional autonomy, a suggestion for Doda’s separation from Jammu and merger with Kashmir was made. However, after I argued against it, Sheikh Abdullah and others changed their mind. Later, the Sheikh asked me to accompany him on a tour of Doda district. He said that some of his colleagues had not reconciled to Doda remaining a part of Jammu and that the issue would be raised during his tour. If I was with him he could assure the people of the district that persons like me would take care of their interests in Jammu region, he added. At many places, the address of welcome did make a plea for unity of Doda with Kashmir on the basis of religious and linguistic affinity. The Sheikh used his oratorical skill to rubbish the plea. If religions could be basis of unity, Muslim world would not have been divided into more than 50 countries and there would not have been wars between them, he argued. Moreover, what about Hindus who lived in Doda, he asked. He categorically asserted that the bonds of history, geography, trade and culture between Doda and the rest of the Jammu region were too strong to be broken. He further added that if Doda remained a part of Jammu, it would ensure secular character of Jammu. This settled the controversy about the integrity of the Jammu region; at least so it seemed. Till the idea of division of the region was revived by New York-based Kashmir Study Group headed by a rich Kashmiri businessman Farooq Kathwari. It included many influential Americans. It proposed merger of Doda with Kashmir as 40 per cent of its population spoke Kashmiri (what about 60 per cent of the population?) and of Rajouri-Poonch districts of Jammu with Kashmir; “though they did not speak Kashmiri, but since they had been interacting with Kashmiri Muslims for so long” (as if there is no interaction between Hindus of Jammu with their co-ethnic community of Muslims of the region). Somehow he became a favourite of the Indian embassy in Washington and came to India in early 1999. He reportedly met leaders including the RSS chief. In Jammu, he had a long talk with the Chief Minister and me and, according to him, with none else. Later, he visited Pakistan. Farooq Abdullah immediately sought to implement Kathwari formula by proposing division of Jammu into Hindu and Muslim majority areas. A few years later, the RSS-VHP combine demanded a separate state for Jammu. Though it insists that it wants whole of the region to comprise the new state, the incapacity of the sponsors to get the support of the Muslims is obvious. Thus virtually it supplemented Farooq’s proposal. It was welcomed by Jamat-e-Islam leader of Kashmir Syed Ali Shah Gilani and Hizbul Mujahideen. Once again the move flopped. The National Conference did not make it a poll issue. Most of the candidates of the RSS-sponsored Jammu State Morcha, despite support of the BJP in some constituencies, lost security deposits. Ghulam Nabi Azad’s reluctant but fortuitous leadership of Congress and remarkable recovery of the party at the hustings have again consolidated unity of Jammu. The significance of this fact should not be underestimated. Not only it would satisfy Jammu’s urge for identity and empowerment but also strengthen its role as the vital geo-political link between Kashmir and the rest of India. A secular and friendly Jammu is the best guarantee for safeguarding the identity and interests of Kashmir. The wrangling over regional claims over chief ministership that followed the election results, however, underlines inadequacies of political developments. For a lasting solution of the problem of inter-regional relations, there does not appear to be any other way out than the assurance of Jawaharlal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah on July 24, 1952, on my demand, to provide for regional autonomies in the constitution of the state; so that chief ministership to one region does not mean total disempowerment of the other region. The writer is a Jammu-based political commentator. |
Vibrant Kashmiris’ word of caution A minor sweepstake was organised at the beginning of this month at one of Srinagar’s leading hotels, where several of the journalists covering Kashmir’s elections stayed. Putting Rs 50 into the kitty, each participant predicted the number of seats the National Conference would win. As it turned out, all the journalists grossly overestimated the then ruling party’s performance. One of the brightest stars of Indian television predicted 39 seats. The hotel staff, on the other hand, was much closer to the mark. One predicted 23, another 27. The man who got it right, at 28, is a restaurant steward. Few city residents voted and not many of the hotel staff could have visited their villages during the campaign. It was, after all, the busiest time for the hotel in a long, long time. Yet they knew the mood of their people. Journalists, not only those visiting from New Delhi, even many Kashmiri journalists, were out of touch. In conversations with several of them over the previous month, I found just one, relatively junior reporter, who had a finger on the collective pulse of his people. Most of the others had an inkling that the National Conference was not riding high but were sure it would get enough seats to cobble a majority with the support of independents and small groups. It is not entirely coincidental that this was also the prediction of intelligence agencies such as the Intelligence Bureau. Srinagar-based reporters have by and large got used to reporting violence as a daily routine, and nothing else. To do this effectively, they have built links with police and security force officers, and intelligence men too. I discovered over the past few weeks that some established Kashmiri journalists do not have even a nodding acquaintance with mainstream politicians, even erstwhile ministers. These elections showed the inadequacies of an exclusive focus on violence. Some voters asserted that they had separated the “Kashmir issue” from their everyday problems. This electoral process was meant to elect representatives who would get them a road here, a bridge there, drainage, potable water, canal irrigation, electricity. There is a good reason why rural Kashmiris went to vote in such large numbers – apart from the universal inertia of urban voters and the fact that urban voters have many methods for the redressal of grievances other than knocking at a legislator’s door. The fact is that rural Kashmiris in many parts of the valley experienced virtual rule by the orthodox Jamaat-e-Islami during the couple of years in the early 1990s when the Hizbul Mujahideen dominated the hinterland. It is the same rural Kashmir that behaved so differently from Srinagar in its response to the boycott call. Without hesitation, rural Kashmir seized the opportunity provided by these elections to force a change of guard. Even if a different government did not bring relief from terror, it might at least build bridges, roads and gutters without skimming funds. Indeed, people spoke of putting an end to corruption and of aspirations for jobs and other economic prospects. “And we can always vote out the new lot next time if they don’t perform,” said many a vibrant Kashmiri. |
Youth give full marks to Mehbooba Mufti BACK
to New Delhi and the endless session of receptions and parties. Midweek Khushwant Singh hosted a get-together for Swraj Paul, who is in town for an Indo-British conference. We discussed everything — J&K, Gujarat elections and the two latest volumes of the Valley’s late poet, Agha Shahid Ali. Published by Ravi Dyal, these will be released on October 30. I met two young students, Mohsin Iqbal and Nadeem Basheer, who are creating a special website on him. Though at the time of writing hectic sessions had been on between the Congress and the PDP to thrash out some magic formula, it seems difficult to visualise a stable government The rift
between the two sections of the Congress — Jammu and Srinagar segments — seemed writ large when I’d met Congress MLAs at Srinagar’s Broadway Hotel. The youth seem to give full marks to 40-year-old Mehbooba Mufti, as they speak of her daring deeds like coming to the rescue of those families which had been hounded by the Special Task Force. Anybody who’d called her up even in the middle of the night, would be met with this one-liner ‘Give the address and I’d be there’. And sure enough she would be there to help them. Amid this chaos, the general pattern matches the popular sentiment — “These elections could be termed an interim solution, the basics lie in a series of dialogue, talks to thrash out the real issues”. Three
in one October 25th night saw three events rolled into one — Austrian National Day together with a farewell party for Ambassador Herbert Traxl (better known as Mr Shovana Narayan) who is proceeding to Bangkok for his next assignment. And then, of course, it was Karva Chauth. I really don’t know the fasting variety. Many came hand in hand with a friend or companion (as distinct from husband or wife). Deputy Prime Minister L.K.Advani and Delhi Lt.-Governor Vijai Kapur were there. Guests ran into everybody, from all possible slots and it was sporting of Shovana to be all dressed up on the Austrian National Day. |
A tale of three Singhs in UP Rajnath Singh was initially reluctant to intervene as he thought that his stock would further go up if the crisis persisted. Even party president M Venkaiah Naidu’s word went unattended and the crisis in UP continued to snowball. Finally, Naidu went to the last court of appeal in the party and a directive from there made Rajnath Singh rush to Lucknow. No prizes for guessing who is the presiding judge of the BJP’s last court of appeal:
L.K.Advani.
Joshi’s man Friday Presumably, he was rewarded for his good work in Joshi’s election campaigns in last two general elections. Wadhawan took over from Shyam Ratan Gupta who used to take care of Joshi’s needs for resources. After Gupta crossed over to Samajwadi Party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav, Wadhawan promptly rushed to fill in the vacuum taking care of Joshi’s needs. In return, Joshi got him the CCRT chairmanship but then the two started drifting away from each other and Wadhawan is out of the orbit now. Wadhawan, who is a former Mayor of Allahabad, is contemplating striking back.
Cells or
cellular Ever since Venkaiah Naidu took over the reins of the BJP about four months back, the party headquarters at Ashoka Road has been buzzing with activities. Lots of new cabins are being constructed for new cells and their office bearers. Over a dozen rooms have been added in past five months. Some party leaders take pride in boasting the new corporate look of the party. But then there are others who say that all this would not help the party. A wag went to the extent of likening the new-look BJP headquarters to Andaman’s Cellular Jail, notorious for stuffing the freedom fighters in its numerous crampy cells.
Indian surprise The joint Indo-US air exercises here were an eye-opener of sorts for the US forces. The climate, the ambience, the delicacies and camaraderie — it was all there in the package. The most pleasant surprise, however, for the US air force personnel was the sight of a large number of women in the Indian Air Force (IAF). Women officers rubbing shoulders with their male colleagues in the IAF was a reflection of the pace of India’s development — socially. However, what came as a major surprise for the US forces was the precision of the Indian paratroopers. Apparently used to seeing their men performing the best, the Yanks were pleasantly surprised with the high level of training being imparted to the Indian paratroopers. The precision landings evoked applause from the Americans. But the icing on the cake for the US forces was the taste of an indigenous Indian afternoon platter.
Jalebis, samosas and pakoras — it had all. And it was no surprise that the Yankies hogged on them. A la high tea.
Badminton buff Politicians are increasingly becoming health conscious and are taking time off from their busy schedule to do some exercise or play some game to remain fit. Venkaiah Naidu is no different. He loves to play badminton, something he shares with the veteran Ram Jethmalani. Even though Jethmalani is in the wrong side of seventies, he plays badminton every evening. It is Scotch time for Jethmalani only after he has played some tiring singles. Naidu is not known to have any passion for Bacchus but he is still a badminton buff. He did not skip badminton even when a political game of shuttlecock is on in Uttar Pradesh.
Vaghela
syndrome This prompted a reporter to comment: “Kya bhat hai jab bhi aap Vaghela ke bare mein kuch kahna chahte hein aap ki awaz chale jaati hai” (why is it that whenever you want to say something on Vaghela, your voice goes). Contributed by T V Lakshminarayan, Satish Misra, Girja Shanker Kaura, S. Satyanarayanan and Rajeev Sharma. |
India’s ace runner in trouble Sunita’s case is the second doping scandal which has surfaced in last four months. Earlier, weightlifters Krishnan Madasamy and Satheesha Rai were stripped of their medals at the Common Wealth Games in Manchester casting gloom at a superb overall showing by the Indian team. The case of “the Golden Girl from Punjab”, as she has come to be known, and that of two weightlifters manifest that the menace of doping has come to India too and the sports authorities are unable to grapple with it. It is also common knowledge that doping has been rampant all over the world and the explanation advanced by Indian sports officials is: “Everybody is doing it, so why shouldn’t we”. So damaging is the effect of drugs that a few young athletes have died in mysterious circumstances. American sprinter Ms. Griffith-Joyner died of cardiac arrest and Asian games medal-winner, Ajit Bhaduria, succumbed in a similar manner. Both were in their thirties. The question that is being asked is how such superbly fit sportsmen can die of heart failure? Three-time Olympic pairs figure skater Ms. Kyoko Ina has been facing a possible lifetime suspension from the sports and a fine of $1 million for refusing to take a drug test. Initially, Sunita faced her disgrace alone as none of the sport bodies came to her defense but, subsequently, stalwarts of yesteryears rallied around her. Indian legends like Milkha Singh and P.T. Usha came to her aid and lambasted sports officials for not supporting the runner. Known for his aggressiveness, Milkha Singh, held the view that all the blame could not be apportioned to Sunita; the Indian Olympic Association and the Amateur Athletic Federation of India have also some responsibility in the matter. His suspicion is that Sunita could not have taken drugs without the connivance of officials. Incidentally, the Sports Authority of India’s laboratory tested her before clearing her for games. Usha, who was in Busan as a special invitee of AAFI, felt that Sunita was unlucky to get caught. Hailing from Sunam village in Punjab’s Sangrur district, Sunita belongs to a poor family. Her father, Ram Sarup, was a village Patwari and after retirement runs a small shop of sport items. In childhood, she was her father’s darling and her every wish was fulfilled. At 15, Sunita enjoyed running and her father happily allowed her to take part in sport events of Government Girls School in Sunam. Her career as a racer thus began. Initially she thought that running is common in young boys and girls of her age but a senior school mate and an athlete herself, Goldie Rani, noticed talent in young Sunita and motivated her to take part in long-distance races. Sunita for the first time took part in the district-level 3,000 meter race in which Goldie too was a competitor. Lo and behold; Sunita obtained number two position, second only to Goldie. Constantly encouraged by her father and brothers, she won her first major race in the 1995 Federation Cup. She was barely 16 and since then there was no looking back for her as her talent proliferated and she came to the notice of sport officials. Her father missed seeing the hour of her daughter’s glory at Busan as his TV set at distant Sunam developed fault precisely at that time but he spoke to her on phone. She was so happy and emotional; laughing as tears of joy trickled down her cheeks. The whole village was agog with excitement and planning to give Sunita a “heroine’s welcome” when the shocking news of doping came. Their world fell through and so was Sunita’s. One does not know whether she took drugs on her own, or was administered performance-boosters as part of larger, state-sponsored programme of systemic doping. It would be sad indeed if Sunita’s promising career comes to an end. |
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UTTAR Pradesh is in turmoil again. The BSP-BJP coalition government of Chief Minister Mayawati is being endangered, thanks mainly to the role played by three Singhs, all former Chief Ministers. While Kalyan Singh and Mulayam Singh are working in tandem wooing disgruntled BJP legislators and independents to vote out the coalition government, the third Singh is trying to stop it.
Former Amitabh Bachchan Fan Club promoter in Allahabad, Ravi Bhushan Wadhawan, was in the news recently. A news item appeared about his removal from the Centre for Cultural Resources and Training (CCRT), a Central government body under the Ministry of Human Resource Development. Wadhawan is believed to have been made CCRT chairman at the specific recommendation of HRD Minister Murli Manohar Joshi.
BJP’s no-holds-barred fight against Shankersinh Vaghela is too well known. But sometimes luck deserts the BJP leaders when they begin to criticise him. This is what happened earlier this week when BJP’s Chief Spokesperson Arun Jaitley was about to criticise Vaghela for making a statement in the USA about the Godhra incident. Just then the microphone conked of. The mike was set right and the moment Jaitley uttered the name of Vaghela, the public address system collapsed again.
SUNITA
RANI is daughter of Punjab and it is sad indeed that India’s best sport talent in recent years has run into trouble; stripped of her medals at the Busan Asian Games for suspected use of illegal drugs. “I am innocent. I have not taken steroids...I belong to a small village and don’t know anything about it”, she asserts. The ace runner is determined to “fight this battle to the last” to redress what she feels has been injustice. The 23-year-old Sunita had won the 1,500 metres gold and the 5,000 metres bronze but tested positive for the banned drug “nandrolone”, an steroid which acts as muscle-stimulant. The charge against her is being investigated by one-man inquiry commission set up by the Amateur Athletic Federation of India (AAFI). If she is found guilty, she may be disqualified for a year or two or, considering her young age, given the benefit of doubt.