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Monday,
September 3,
2001, Chandigarh, India   |
Half-hearted reshuffle Fixing targets isn't enough |
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Will burqa veil Kashmir? Indo-US relations on an even
keel
Anupam Gupta
The toughest boss of America
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Half-hearted reshuffle PRIME
Minister Vajpayee wanted to give a facelift to his Council of Ministers but ended up causing heartburn to several senior ministers and party men. Very angry are Mr Sharad Yadav and Mr Ram Vilas Paswan. Both of them have presided over powerful ministries but are now dumped in nondescript ones. True, the two had struck out their own path, delaying or defying Cabinet decisions. This is particularly true of Mr Yadav who did everything to stall disinvestment in Air-India and Indian Airlines, often taking up the cause of the employees. They sought the intervention of Mr George Fernandes who failed to stop the change. Mr Jagmohan is another silent sufferer. Ironically, he has been punished for doing his work competently and thoroughly. He attracted flak from senior BJP leaders and the influential land mafia for systematically clearing encroachment in Delhi. Now he will look after tourism, and hopefully he will not be in a position to hurt the interests of the entrenched elite. This is the second time he moves from one ministry to another because he clashed with the rich and the mighty. Last time was from the Communications Ministry. Law Minister Arun Jaitley must be wondering why he has not been as lucky as Mr Arun Shourie. He is also young, very articulate and, what is more important, senior in the BJP by decades. He is suave enough not to show his emotions but he is not a happy man. Three former Chief Ministers of Delhi have gone into a sulk as their claim has been ignored with luck smiling on Mr Vijay Goel. Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha got a reprieve because there was no agreement on his replacement. The RSS leadership vetoed the dropping of Satyanarain Jatia and Ananth Kumar. Their exit was linked to cutting off the deadwood. Mr Shourie became a Cabinet Minister on the day the Air-India privatisation process received a body blow. Syed Shahnawaz Hussain won his reward for being the only Muslim MP of the BJP. It is a thank-you note to Mr Ved Prakash Goyal for his fund-raising efforts all these years. Mr Karia Munda’s mind has to remain focused on Delhi darbar and away from his Jharkhand where Chief Minister Babulal Marandi is feeling insecure. The four junior Ministers are untested men and their induction is not to bring in fresh blood since one of them is over 70 and another over 60. The ministry expansion exercise on Saturday has once again brought out the problems the Prime Minister faces. He is not assertive and the top layers of his party are not united behind him. The Sangh Parivar has regained its influence and wants to do a bit of backseat driving. Also, the BJP and the alliance partners are not bristling with talent. This comes out loudly from his inability to find a new Defence Minister! |
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Fixing targets isn't enough THE
NDA government led by Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee perhaps thinks that one must aim at a high target even if this amounts to being unrealistic. One gathers this impression from the draft approach paper to the tenth five year Plan approved unanimously at Saturday's National Development Council meeting. The document has it that the economy will achieve a growth rate of 8 per cent during the next Plan period (2002-2007). This is the rate, more or less, at which the East Asian Tiger economies had been growing before they were hit by a currency crisis of the late nineties. The Prime Minister has admitted that it is a difficult task but "it is surely not an impossible target". Of course, there is nothing impossible today, but one must know one's limitations. There is an all-round economic slowdown, and this includes the dollar-spinning software sector. The situation is so depressing that one cannot hope for any improvement in the near future. The Reserve Bank of India's latest report warns that the growth rate is unlikely to cross the level of 6 per cent in the coming few years when the country will have entered the tenth Plan period. Some of the factors at play are really beyond the government's control. As against this, the Planning Commission says the economy will have to move forward registering a 10 per cent growth rate to show an average of 8 per cent. Is it possible when during the ninth Plan the economy could not reach the level of even 6.5 per cent despite Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha's repeated claim of 7 per cent or more. The present rate, according to the Central Statistical Organisation, stands at 5.2 per cent. With the dismal scenario presented by the infrastructure sectors leading to the declining foreign investor interest in the country, the Plan document's target appears to be beyond the realm of possibility. However, the government goes by its own strange calculations. It has prepared a 14-point prescription for infusing a new life into the economy. Its confidence rests on what a financial expert calls the Vajpayee regime's economic pill. But among the ingredients of the magic formulation are items which the government has been claiming to handle carefully to turn the country into an attractive destination for foreign direct investment. These are eliminating corruption, harassment and red-tapism; reforming and rejuvenating the power sector; speeding up reforms in the financial sector; and drastically pruning unnecessary and unproductive expenditure. So far not much success has been achieved on these fronts. Will the pill be effective as expected? It is surprising how the Plan document was approved without a threadbare discussion. Either the states, particularly the non-BJP-ruled ones, did not expect that any fruitful discussion would be encouraged, or there was something else which forced them to take little interest in the National Development Council gathering. Whatever the reason, the Prime Minister has finalised a strategy to appease the Chief Ministers which, perhaps, he feels may help economic revival. His Davos-type two-day conclave in Karnataka's Nandi Hills, planned for October, is part of this scheme. Such methods may bring him some propaganda advantage, but the real task of boosting investor confidence may remain unaccomplished. |
Will burqa veil Kashmir? WHATEVER pressure the Lashkar-e-Jabbar may put on the womenfolk of Kashmir, it cannot make them take to the burqa as a dress that will last long. If some of them have recently taken to wearing the burqa, it is because of the fear that militants may take revenge on them by surprise attacks with acid as a weapon. There is nothing voluntary in this. The revenge method may create a scare but it will not be lasting. The scare will pass. Kashmiri women are lively. They work outdoors. They share work with men. They may not look flashy in dress but they are not the type who will like to live behind the purdah for all time. They also do not want to be dictated to by menfolk. Until recently, before the Lashkar-e-Jabbar scare, if you stood outside a college for women or a girls school, you would see the students wearing salwar-kameez and no burqa. The only concession they made to the feelings of conservative elders was to have the chunni covering the head. True, they would not be dressed in a flashy manner. This made most of them wear the chunni on the head. Those who want to follow the dictates of the fundamentalists of Pakistan are told to look at the women anchors and newsreaders on the Pakistan television. They wear the ordinary salwar-kameez with a chunni on the head. They do not wear a burqa in most cases. The best example was to see President Musharraf’s wife going about places in New Delhi without a burqa. The Lashkar-e-Jabbar fundamentalists have no reply to this. The only instance they want to give are from Afghanistan, but that country has never set the pace for life in Kashmir. Generally, before the present scare started, the only women in Kashmir who wore a black burqa were the old and the old-fashioned. Many of them come from poor families and want to hide their clothes under the burqa. Some rich women also wear the burqa but often as a fashion garment. A thin silken piece of cloth or a fine net is used to hide the face. While the women who use them can see everything outside, they make a fashionable statement by wearing an expensive burqa. The campaign for the burqa has been raised by the Lashkar-e-Jabbar to assert its standing. It is a little-known outfit and its main objective is to grab the headlines and earn a place for itself in the ranks of the militant organisations. Its campaign has no deeper purpose. The other militant and separatist organisations have seen through the game. That is why some of them like the Hizbul Mujahideen, the Jamiatul Mujahideen and the Lashkar-e-Toiba have criticised the dictates of the Lashkar-e-Jabbar. They would not like to give it a place of prominence which it is demanding through this campaign. If two young unfortunate women have lost their looks through the misguided act of throwing acid, it matters little to its protagonists. If the Lashkar fails in this move, it could jump into the more violent field and earn a place for itself through violence. That remains a danger. But even there it will need to earn a place for itself by bypassing the more militant organisations. Kashmiri culture has to be understood to know why the burqa campaign will not last. The Kashmiri women and youth are not inclined to take to the burqa. In the rural areas most women work in the fields. Now is the time when most of them would be seen in knee-deep fields, looking after the paddy crop, which provides Kashmir’s stable diet. As they work in the fields, food is brought to them from their homes and they eat it by the side of waterways. How can they wear the burqa in these conditions? It is a great scene to watch and enjoy men and women working over the saplings and singing songs in chorus. When they are at it, how can they wear the burqa? On festive occasions like the Eid, in every mohalla at any open space young women would for hours be dancing. It is called the “rouf” dance. To join the dance they wear colourful cloths and expensive jewellery. The girls join together in two short lines standing parallel to and facing each other, going back and forth, singing songs of love and devotion. It is danced in the open, in gardens and courtyards of houses. It cannot be danced while the participants wear the burqa. No one would think of purdah. Kashmiri women are go-ahead partners with their men. They ply the boats. On the river front you can see them plying boats for a fare. They work in shops. Like in a shop selling milk and curds and cheese, women would do all the work. Of course, there are also professional people like teachers and doctors. They would not take to the burqa. A word of explanation. It is not that no woman wears the burqa. Some of them wore the burqa even before the Lashkar-e-Jabbar got into the act. Some women do it out of habit which has come down from mother to daughter. You cannot stop them from doing so. But they would not accept any compulsion in this. In conservative families it is the menfolk who would pressure the women to wear the burqa, but the women do it of their own free will. There is the case of the daughter of a fiery militant leader who is a lawyer and had come to Delhi to work there. No one took objection to it and she did well professionally. Would she have worn a burqa? Unless the present campaign becomes a law and order problem, the government should not try to impose its views on this issue. If the government launches a campaign to impose its will, it will lead to a wrong reaction. Just to oppose the government, the conservative elements will get together and force women to use the burqa. Care should be taken to see that it does not take on a political colour. The government should leave its protagonists to themselves. It should be seen as a social issue and dealt with indifference. Those who want to wear a burqa should wear it and those who do not want to do so should be left to decide for themselves. The campaign will die its own death because the women do not believe in compulsion. The burqa will remain as an exhibitionist tool as it is in the Muslim localities of Kolkata or Mumbai or Delhi. Let the women themselves deal with it. But, however, it will be dealt with, the government should not let the male malcontents attack women with acid if they do not wear the burqa. If the situation improves in Kashmir, more women will go to schools and colleges. They will also go to attend professional institutes in other parts of the country. This should be encouraged. They should go to Muslim-dominated cities so that they see how well they live without the burqa. Kashmir has given to the country, at least to North India, a new clothing in pheran, which has become a popular winter garment. It covers most of the body but not the face. In Kashmir, pheran in different variations is worn both by men and women, Hindus and Muslims. Let this be Kashmir’s best garment export to the rest of India. It will not be the burqa because even Kashmir has not taken to it. Nor will it in future. |
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Indo-US relations on an even
keel IT is now confirmed that Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee will be meeting President George Bush and hold parleys with him when the former travels to New York to attend the UN General Assembly session. There is no denying that the Indo-US relations, which had started warming up in the later part of the Clinton presidency, have got the expected boost under the present Bush administration. The forthcoming meeting and President Bush’s planned visit to India early next year will be helping in forging a new understanding between the world’s two largest democracies. Before the two leaders meet for the first time in the coming days, moves seem to be afoot to lift the sanctions which the USA imposed on India in the aftermath of the Pokhran tests. The end of the Cold War and the near simultaneous opening up of India’s economy began to change perceptions on both sides. But it was not until mid-1997 that the Clinton Administration formally adopted a new policy framework for India aimed at broadening and deepening our bilateral relationship. But India’s nuclear weapons tests in May, 1998, put the brakes on the progress toward a closer relationship between the two countries. The USA followed it with an immediate imposition of sanctions on India which rekindled a keen sense of paranoia on both sides. Ironically, a year after the tests, Pakistani armed intrusion into the Kargil mountains and Indian response to evict them by use of force brought a dramatic shift in the US stance towards New Delhi. During the Kargil conflict, the direct telephone communications between former President Clinton and Prime Minister Vajpayee brought a new confidence in Indo-US bilateral relations. Later, the successful visit of President Clinton and the return visit by Prime Minister Vajpayee provided a new twist to friendliness. The vision document signed by Mr Clinton and Mr Vajpayee declared a “resolve to create a closer and qualitatively new relationship between the USA and India” on the basis of “common interest in and complementary responsibility for ensuring regional and international security.” This document declared that India and the USA were partners in providing “strategic stability in Asia and beyond.” The Vajpayee government has made it clear that it is in India’s national interest to have a broad-based and robust engagement with the USA. Lately there has been significant progress in New Delhi as well as in Washington to move forward on matters as diverse as fighting terrorism and addressing the global climate change, on enhancing military-to-military relations and jointly developing and testing an HIV/AIDS vaccine, and on opening markets to US and Indian goods and services. In April, 2000, the two nations established a Joint Working Group on Counter-Terrorism to exchange views, share information and provide training with a view to dealing with the growing menace of international terrorism. The initial focus has been on Afghan-based terrorist organisations. On counter-narcotics collaboration, the USA has expanded shared intelligence collection with Indian drug enforcement units. The activities include interdiction of precursor chemical shipments, monitoring the diversion of opium, and training and equipment for local drug enforcement units. The USA has also opened an FBI office in New Delhi with a view to tackling a diverse menu of international crime, including trafficking in women and children, counterfeiting, customs fraud and cyber-related crimes. During the past few months there have been several high-level visits from the Bush Administration to New Delhi. The Joint Chief of Staff of the US forces, the Under Secretary for South Asia and the Commerce Secretary were in the Indian capital to hold parleys with their counterparts here. In the field of defence, the Indian and US military establishments were already working together on search and rescue operations and the exchange of military instructors besides having an officer exchange programme, which is already in place. Earlier, the USA had appreciated India’s positive response to President George W Bush’s proposal for establishing a strategic security framework. The Indo-US defence cooperation will be governed by the defence planning group, which should define and shape the overall policy framework, and also decide on the future agenda. The USA is of the view that India will develop its inherent strength in the coming years and hence it will like to forge closer strategic understanding with New Delhi. India and the USA together represent a fifth of the world’s people and more than a quarter of the world’s economy. Like the USA had done earlier, India is on its way to building creative, entrepreneurial societies. It is industrialising on a fast track with corresponding expansion in international trade. Both nations are leaders in the information age. The USA increasingly sees India as a major power with global interests. The two countries have many common interests, and the coming years should be witness to the spirit of cooperation in many spheres soaring to new heights. |
Punjab: judging history with a sense of history A fortnight after it was pronounced on August 20, the ORP judgement of the Punjab and Haryana High Court continues to impact the mind. Its confirmation by a Division Bench notwithstanding, the sharp judicial scalpel wielded by the learned Single Judge has reopened old wounds which will take time to heal. “The war against terror in Punjab,” wrote K.P.S. Gill in 1997, “has been comprehensively won; but no society, no nation, is ever proof against the intentions and the amoral inventiveness of the criminally ambitious.” Freedom from fear, he said, has been won at great costs in the state, but it is not self-sustaining and will have to be defended constantly if it is to survive. Of the total 11,694 persons killed by the terrorists in Punjab from 1981 to 1993, he pointed out, 7,139 or more than 61 per cent were Sikhs. And so were more than 65 per cent of the personnel in the Punjab Police, the force which — for all its coarseness and corruption — spearheaded the victory against terrorism in Punjab. No great Brahmanical conspiracy, wrote Gill, no cynical political combine out to crush the freedom and identity of the Sikhs, no armies of militant Hindus — it was, overwhelmingly, the Sikhs themselves who fought the terrorists, and who eventually prevailed over them. Courts or governments, judges or politicians, it is important to remember this today and always, whenever, taking peace for granted, we engage blithely in drawing up a balance-sheet of the past. Furthermore, even while governments and politicians necessarily have broader terms of reference, judges must not — and cannot — escape the obligation of judging history with a sense of history. An obligation that judges elsewhere in the world, faced with similarly trying situations, have felt no demur in discharging. “When times are normal and fear is not stalking the land, English law sturdily protects the freedom of the individual and respects human personality,” Leslie Scarman, one of the most distinguished English judges of all time, said in his famous Hamlyn lectures. “But when times are abnormally alive with fear and prejudice, the common law is at a disadvantage: it cannot resist the will, however, frightened and prejudiced it may be, of Parliament.” The onerous obligation of judging history must, with the best of judges, also be tempered by the realisation that the rapid-fire reality of terror on the ground can rarely, if at all, be grasped in the calm analytical atmosphere of the court room with the benefit of hindsight. “(T)he postulated balancing of risk against risk, harm against harm by the reasonable man,” ruled the highest English court, the House of Lords, in 1976 in a leading terrorist case from Northern Ireland, “is not undertaken in the calm analytical atmosphere of the court room, after counsel with the benefit of hindsight have expounded at length the reasons for and against the kind and degree of force that was used by the accused, but in the brief second or two in which the accused had to decide whether to shoot or not and under the stresses to which he was exposed.” The accused, who was a soldier on duty, killed the deceased, a young man, with one shot from his SLR rifle in daylight when the deceased was less than 20 yards from him in a field in a country area. The field was close to the farmhouse where the deceased lived with his parents and formed part of the farm. The shot was a quick snap shot at the body of the deceased after the accused had shouted “halt” and the deceased had immediately run off. The shot was not preceded by a warning shot. At the time of firing the accused was a member of an Army patrol of 16 men on foot, engaged in searching the area and seeking information about persons suspected of terrorist activities. The deceased was alone and unarmed. And innocent. The accused had thus shot and killed a person whom he honestly (but mistakenly) believed to be a terrorist. Was he guilty of murder? In some parts of the province, ruled the House of Lords in 1976, answering a reference from the Court of Criminal Appeal of Northern Ireland, there has existed for some years now a state of armed and clandestinely organised insurrection against the lawful government of Her Majesty by persons seeking to gain political ends by violent means, that is, by committing murder and other crimes of violence against persons and property. An armed and clandestinely organised insurrection against the lawful government seeking to gain political ends through violent means. That was precisely the situation in Punjab a few years ago, though one would be hard put to find a mention of the fact in any of the terrorist or “human rights” cases that have come up in the state. An elementary fact that needs to be stated and reiterated in every judgement, but never is. Due to the efforts of the Army and police to suppress it, the House of Lords, speaking through Lord Diplock, continued, the insurrection has been sporadic in its manifestations but, as “events have repeatedly shown, if vigilance is relaxed the violence erupts again.” In theory it may be the duty of every citizen, it said, when an arrestable offence is about to be committed in his presence to take whatever reasonable measures are available to him to prevent the commission of a crime; but the duty is one of imperfect obligation, and does not place him under any obligation to do anything by which he would expose himself to risk of personal injury, nor is he under any duty to search for criminals or seek out crime. In contrast to this, ruled Lord Diplock, a soldier who is employed in aid of the civil power in Northern Ireland is under a duty, enforceable under military law, to search for criminals if so ordered by his superior officers and to risk his own life should this be necessary in preventing terrorist acts. Punjab or Kashmir , can the duty of a police officer even under normal criminal law be any different or less stringent? To kill or seriously wound another person by shooting, the Law Lord held further, is prima facie unlawful. There may be circumstances, however, which render the act of shooting lawful, and an “honest and reasonable belief by the accused in the existence of facts which, if true, would have rendered his act lawful is a defence to any charge based on the shooting.” So, for the purposes of the present reference, he concluded (and mark his words), “one must ignore the fact that the deceased was an entirely innocent person and must deal with the case as if he were a member of the Provisional IRA (the Irish Republican Army) and a potentially dangerous terrorist, as the accused honestly and reasonably believed him to be so.” In the circumstances postulated, he said, the soldier had no choice as to the degree of force to use. “It was a case of all or nothing.” He could either aim a bullet at the suspect with his rifle or use no force at all and let the suspect escape, whereas in ordinary cases of self-defence or arrest there is some choice of methods involving varying degrees of force. That is how nations of the developed West, from whom we have borrowed our jurisprudence and our human rights sensibilities, address the menace of terrorism. Terrorism not real and actual but “potential” as well. And here we are in India, attempting precisely the reverse, suspecting every police officer as if he were a potential terrorist, prosecuting police officer after police officer for “wrongfully confining”, “abducting” and “murdering” actual terrorists, the most heinous of them, and (ensconced in the security of our own offices) denouncing the whole battle against terrorism as an unending series of human rights “excesses”. And while jurisprudence stands on its head, language too undergoes strange distortions. A terrorist is a terrorist no longer but a “militant”, with all the romance that “militancy” entails (even the Congress, after all, had a “militant” wing, beloved of the people, in the first decade of the last century). Any relief to police officers facing prosecution and punishment for eliminating terrorists in the line of duty, and under the orders of their superiors, is (on the other hand) nothing short of “amnesty”, the most disparaging and demeaning of words in the moral dictionary. “When I use a word,” said Humpty Dumpty in Through the Looking Glass, “it means just what I choose it to mean, neither more nor less.” “The question is,” said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many different things.” “The question is,” Humpty Dumpty retorted, “which is to be master — that is all.” |
We have no sympathy with the criticism to which the decision of the Swaraj party to attend the ensuing session of the Assembly in order to participate in the debate on the Currency Bill has been subjected both in the Liberal and in the Anglo-Indian Press. The decision is in complete accord both with the Cawnpur resolution and the statement made by the leader of the party in the Assembly in giving effect to it. What we do feel bound to point out, however, is that the frequency with which the party has had to walk in since it left the Legislatures in a body undoubtedly shows that the first decision was a mistake. As we have said again and again, the walk-out ought to have been a demonstration pure and simple and expressly limited in point of time. |
The toughest boss of America LEAVING after 20 years as one of the country’s most successful CEOs, General Electric Co Chairman, Mr Jack Welch, vows that when he retires next month he will keep “101 per cent” out of the way of the new management. In an interview with Vanity Fair magazine and in an excerpt from his new book, for which he received a reported $7.1 million, Mr Welch said he hated the nickname he earned of “Neutron Jack” for cutting GE’s payroll by a quarter — 118,000 people, including 37,000 in business sold. But he added that even though Fortune magazine ranked him as the toughest boss in America, he should have been tougher. Mr Welch said he had no regrets about the failed $43 billion takeover of Honeywell International Corp, which he said he could have pulled off if he had only been concerned about his image. He said real leadership lay in walking away because European Commission anti-trust official, Mr Mario Monti’s final offer would have required GE to sell off large parts of Honeywell making it like a golf course missing several holes. Mr Welch said once he retired he would concentrate on handling a small number of clients as a consultant. One thing he said he will not do is buy a piece of his beloved Red Sox baseball team because that would take the fun out of following the game. Mr Welch denied that he ever tried to pressure anyone at NBC, which is owned by General Electric, into calling the presidential election for Bush, as some have alleged.
Reuters
Men care more about equality Men under 30 now accept that they will have to adapt to “equal working patterns” as they grow older, sharing parenting responsibilities in a way that was unthinkable to their grandfathers. More than 50 per cent of young men complain of being portrayed in advertising and on TV as “one-dimensional”, “incompetent” and “lacking in positive qualities”. Their concern comes at the same time as medical research suggests that men are now acquiring the same eating disorders as women as advertising focuses on body image. Young men now say they need to impress three different audiences: women, fellow men and employers. They are acknowledging for the first time that juggling roles is exactly what women have done for centuries. When asked what equality means to them today, key benefits listed by young people of both sexes were “evenly balanced power within relationships”, “shared responsibilities”, the “removal of career stereotypes for men and women” and “permission to behave in a more masculine or feminine way without people assuming you are gay”. More than 200 young men and women aged 14 to 30 were interviewed in Britain about their attitudes and aspirations.
The Observer
Tall tales crippling Chinese women Hundreds of Chinese women, lured by advertisements into operations to increase their height, are risking lifelong disability. The “fast spreading fashion” of cosmetic surgery to lengthen the lower leg leaves many of the mainly women patients in constant pain and unable to walk unaided. The unregulated process involves breaking the patient’s shin bones, inserting steel rods and attaching a cage by which doctors can control upward and downward pressure designed to stretch the bones while they are healing. Wang Fuling (32) from Henan province in central China, wanted to add 10 centimetres to her 1.53-metre height. Since the operation in December 1999, Wang has grown 3 centimetres but she has a crippled foot, has endured constant pain since the operation and still needs heavy leg braces. China has no regulations on cosmetic bone surgery. Television, magazines and newspapers also carry frequent, often wildly exaggerated advertisements for creams and medicines designed to increase people’s height.
DPA |
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God pervadeth in every being, As a mirror reflecteth a face in it. He resideth in every heart and remaineth unstained. He is free from all bondage, without being seen. Even as water reflecteth a face, So is Nama's Lord manifest in all. — Sant Namdeva, Sri Guru Granth Sahib, page 1318 ***** The monarchs who were once like crowns on the heads of the people. Look, what remains of them now except the dust on the feet (of people). ***** Heads of all kings who are now concealed under the ground were the heads which were once raised up high on the sky. — From Shibli Numani, Bayan-i-Khusrau |
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