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| Wednesday,
January 17, 2001, Chandigarh, India    |
Panchayat polls in J&K Statute tinkering
panel New Himachal
districts |
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Impending Changes in South Block A case for axis against terrorism
Captain of the course
Content, context and
chaos Trying to escape a criminal
past
“Nodal authority should
monitor reforms”
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Panchayat polls in J&K THE heavy turnout of voters in the first of the eight-phase panchayat elections in Jammu and Kashmir should be seen as the reflection of the will of the people to manage their own affairs at the grassroots level. However, the more heartening aspect of the first phase of the exercise is the demonstration of their collective determination of not to be cowed down by the threat of violence by the anti-India terrorist groups operating in the state. The three districts of Rajouri, Poonch and Kupwara have witnessed some of the most horrifying incidents of mass killing by Pakistan-trained outfits in the past months. Yet over 87 per cent votes for 60 panchayats were cast in Rajouri followed by 65 per cent for 38 panchayats in Poonch and over 60 per cent for 27 panchayats in Kupwara. The people deserve fulsome praise for ignoring the All Parties Hurriyat Conference’s appeal for poll boycott and the threat of use of violence by the Hizbul Mujahideen for disrupting the poll process. The heavy turnout of voters, in a manner of speaking, defied even cold logic considering the fact that a day earlier the same militant outfit had claimed responsibility for the attack on the life of Dr Farooq Abdullah in the heart of old Srinagar. Well begun is half done. The determination of the people of the three districts where panchayat elections were held on Monday should provide hope and courage to those waiting for their turn to cast their vote in the remaining seven rounds of polling. The smooth conduct of the exercise was all the more remarkable considering that the grassroots democracy was being restored in the embattled state after nearly 24 years. The Chief Minister indeed showed rare political insight by ordering panchayat elections at a time when he could have justified postponement because of the continuing acts of violence by the pro-Pakistan militant groups. The enthusiastic participation in the exercise of restoring grassroots democracy should make the hawks in Pakistan wonder what more they need to do to break the spirit of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The heavy turnout was a slap on the face of the Pakistani rulers whose anti-India propaganda includes the denial of basic civic rights to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. They may still try to mislead the gullible domestic audience by using the state-controlled electronic media for spreading the canard that people were dragged to the polling stations by the security forces. They may even produce “evidence” of use of force and bogus voting in Jammu and Kashmir. However, the fact remains that the entire exercise was peaceful, which is a remarkable achievement, for which full credit should go to the security forces as well. However, Dr Abdullah would earn the gratitude of the people if he were to ensure that the money meant for local development work is not siphoned off by corrupt officials. The Jammu and Kashmir bureaucracy is counted among the most corrupt in the country, only a shade better than its counterparts in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. He does not need to be reminded of the role an honest and efficient administration can play in defeating the dark designs of the Pakistani establishment in spreading disaffection among the people. |
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Statute tinkering panel IN what could turn out to be an embarrassing setback to the Constitution Review Commission, a respected social scientist from Kerala has resigned from one of the 10 panels. But not before accusing the panel of unacceptable commissions and omissions. Dr Sukumar Azhikkode, a member of the subcommittee to study “the pace of socio-economic changes effected through the implementation of the Constitution”, says his body did not meet even once and the consultation papers released last week in its name is the wish list of interested outsiders. What this implies is that the panel has ceased to be involved in the crucial task of drafting the document and the commission has given its official stamp to ideas and proposals put together by men and women with a set agenda. Needless to say, the same must be the case with other panels which too have come out with observations ranging from controversial to outrageous. A cursory look at the proposals show their unmistakable tilt in favour of the BJP and reflect its ideological positions. This, in turn, raises two points. The Commission is just a ruse to amend the rules to help the party to rig up a majority without actually enjoying majority support. A hark back to the guided democracy concept sired by Ayub Khan of Pakistan. He hit the authoritarian route and the Hindutva Parivar is charting the course of a new look Constitution heavily loaded in its own favour. The ghost of Indira Gandhi’s emergency and its illegitimate child of the 42nd Amendment to the Constitution has obviously returned to the Raisina Hills. It would need the sustained and collective efforts of non-partisan liberals to exorcise this ghost and reinstate the spirit of democracy as the core of politics and governance in this country. The people owe it to the nation since the Commission has solicited a national debate to help it finalise its recommendations. It is too early and sterile to indulge in finger pointing, as some alert columnists have done, but it is essential to be vigilant. Among the dangerously partisan proposals is one that will change the way the people vote and the people’s representatives conduct themselves. The British system of first past the post needs to be scrapped, one paper says, and replaced with a run-off election between the top two vote getters. In other words, the MP or MLA will have to have the mandate of at least 51 per cent of the electorate before he can enter the House. Why? Since a third of voter support is often enough to get elected, political parties and candidates tend to appeal to narrow interests (read caste blocks) and it is bad for the genuine representational character of the Lok Sabha and the Vidhan Sabhas. So the urgency for the run-off polls which is possible the very next day with electronic voting machines. This is an absurd notion. In practice, it would mean a less than 51 per cent real or committed support and the balance simulated or forced. In France it works because of the fewer number of voters and the intense involvement of the voters in the ideology of the parties and candidates. Largest mass participation in both fighting elections and voting in them is at the heart of the evolving Indian system. To kill it is a national crime. Another suggestion will virtually bar no-confidence motions even to highlight the government failure or have a detailed debate on important issues. The Lok Sabha will elect the Prime Minister, which means that the President will only swear in the top political executive. This is the price Mr K.R.Narayanan is asked to pay for inviting Mrs Sonia Gandhi to form a government after the fall of the Vajpayee government. The system has miserably failed to limit election expenses in spite of stringent legal measures and now it wants to fix a ceiling on expenditure on demonstrations. When Indira Gandhi imposed emergency, Dr Purshottam Mavlankar said she had saved Indian democracy from the Indian people. The BJP supporters have found a new role model. |
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New Himachal districts IT is not certain how serious the Himachal Pradesh Government is about carving out four or five new districts out of the existing 12, but it is a luxury which it should not even think of at this stage, given its precarious financial health. It has been running from pillar (Centre) to post (tax payers) to raise funds, with very little positive results to show for its efforts. The new districts will put it further in the red. The minimum expenditure on each new district will be Rs 5 crore, making it a total of Rs 25 crore. There will be recurring expenses on buildings, courts and the other paraphernalia. This is a burden that it just cannot afford to bear. All these expenses will indirectly hit the citizens themselves in whose name the Chief Minister is mooting the idea of the new districts. He has been pleading with the Centre for aid. Obviously, New Delhi is not going to unzip its purse for the sake of setting up new districts. Mr Prem Kumar Dhumal’s argument that small administrative units are easier to manage cuts both ways. The smaller districts like Una can hardly boast of better administration than their larger counterparts. There is a distinct possibility that if at all new districts come into being, they will be no different from the present setup. The government has already announced that it is actively considering having two Deputy Commissioners in a district, one for revenue and the other for development and law and order. Isn’t that an indirect admission that things are not at all moving smoothly? The consequences of the proposal are clear. It will be a prescription worse than the disease. There is another unintended fallout that may accrue. There are many who believe that Mr Dhumal is not thinking of hiving Shimla, Kangra and Mandi, but trying to cut Mr Virbhadra Singh and Mr Shanta Kumar down to size. Even if this is not the intention, the proposal is likely to be seen in that light and will thus get unnecessarily politicised. Weighing all pros and cons, the Himachal Pradesh Government will be well advised to shelve the proposal. It has a better alternative available. All that it has to do is to bring about radical reforms in the administrative functioning. The residents of any area won’t be satisfied even if every village is converted into a district unless the officers posted there start responding to their pleas. If the officials start being responsive, the common man can perhaps make do with the present 12 districts itself. Beyond that, all that is required to be done is to carry out some minor boundary adjustments. |
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Impending Changes in South Block WITHIN
the next few weeks India’s sophisticated and savvy Foreign Secretary Lalit Mansingh will be leaving Delhi to face the challenges of dealing with the new Bush Administration and with Washington’s power centres in the White House, Capitol Hill and Foggy Bottom. He will be succeeded by Ms Chokila Iyer, a soft spoken but strong willed foreign service diplomat, who is respected by colleagues who know her as a person who can put forward India’s viewpoints effectively and firmly, especially in dealing with our neighbours. While public attention is naturally focused on the personality and activities of the Foreign Secretary, few people realise that it is really the Secretary in charge of Economic Relations in South Block who plays a crucial role in ensuring that the Indian Missions abroad effectively promote the country’s economic interests. It is also largely through him that the government is advised about the current economic trends abroad and the functioning of multilateral economic groupings in the contemporary globalised world economic order. During the days of the Cold War, our economic priorities lay in promoting economic self-reliance through import substitution rather than through promoting efficiency and competitiveness by submitting the Indian economy to the rigours of global competition. While China was able to attain high rates of economic growth and a highly competitive industrial structure by adopting the path of economic liberalisation in 1979, we commenced moving in this direction only 12 years later. Thus, while China attracts Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) of around $50 billion annually, we are still struggling to get an annual inflow of around $ 4 billion. The realisation is only now dawning on us that even as we have remained rooted in the socialist rhetoric of the 1950s, the pragmatic Chinese have emerged on the world stage as a major player economically. They have also used their vast economic resources to become a military power that even the USA cannot afford to ignore. The 1990s did, however, see a sea change in our diplomatic priorities and in the functioning of our missions abroad. In earlier years, Secretaries dealing with economic relations in South Block like Mr B.K. Sanyal and Mr Romesh Bhandari focused attention predominantly on promoting Indian joint collaborations in and exports to the Persian Gulf, East Africa and elsewhere. New dimensions were, however, added to the economic priorities of Indian diplomatic missions in the post-liberalisation era. Embassies and consulates also became actively involved in investment promotion as India sought to develop an investment-friendly approach to the world. Both Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and Finance Minister Manmohan Singh deserve major credit for the manner and speed with which they brought about this sea change in the functioning of Indian missions. But one should not forget that if their efforts succeeded, it was in no small measures due to the efforts of Secretaries like Mr A.N. Ram and Mr Sudhir Devare. (Mr Devare is scheduled to retire in another few months.) They ensured that the External Affairs Ministry (MEA) and the missions abroad became well-informed and able to deal with the challenges of persuading audiences about the new economic directions that the country was irrevocably committed to pursuing. They also ensured that the MEA was well equipped to contribute positively on issues involving the WTO. More importantly, Indian missions were able to continuously advise New Delhi about the policy changes that needed to be effected in key areas like power, mining, roads and telecommunications to make the country a viable investment destination. While it was only natural that India should look towards OECD countries like the USA, Germany, France and the UK for sourcing its requirements of foreign direct investment, the last decade has seen a new recognition of the importance of the countries of East and South-East Asia. The “Asian Tigers”, as they are known, have emerged as valuable partners in our quest for accelerated economic growth. Mercifully, the talk about the new “Look East” policies has not remained mere rhetoric. It has been translated into a growing and dynamic partnership, particularly with the members of ASEAN. The recent visits of Prime Minister Vajpayee to Vietnam and Indonesia reflect the importance that we now attach to our economic and strategic ties with our South-East Asian neighbours. It may be of interest to note that over the last decade investment approvals for even a country as small as Singapore have almost equalled that for major players like France and Italy. Further, with important discoveries of natural gas, ASEAN members like Vietnam, Myanmar, Indonesia and Malaysia could well emerge as major energy suppliers for our eastern and southern states, especially as Bangladesh seems politically immobilised and unable to decide how to utilise its large potential of natural gas. The Prime Minister is scheduled to visit Malaysia and Japan next month. Most Indians found the tone adopted by Japan in the aftermath of our nuclear tests as unwarranted, especially given the fact that Japan bases its own security on the American nuclear deterrent. There has also been a tendency on the part of the Japanese to presume that they can play a role in dabbling in subcontinental differences. But these now appear to be things of the past, with a series of high-level exchanges culminating in the visit of Prime Minister Mori setting the stage for a possible new beginning. But Japanese business must learn that if it is to succeed in India it cannot function in the same manner as it has done in the crony capitalist environment that prevailed earlier in some South-East Asian countries. South Korea is now emerging as a far more dynamic investment partner in India than Japan even in sectors like automobile. Japanese business would be well advised to see why this is happening and to be more forthcoming in areas like technology transfer and
indigenisation if Japan is to emerge as a major economic player in India. Given the high respect that South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has won internationally and the growing role of South Korean investment in India, one hopes New Delhi will move expeditiously in promoting more high-level exchanges with Seoul. South Block is now well conditioned to play a key role in promoting our economic interests in a globalised world economic order. But if we are to improve our standing especially in developing countries, it is imperative that the Budget for technical and economic cooperation (ITEC) that now stands barely at Rs 40 crore should be rapidly increased. There is growing interest in our information technology skills and our long-term economic interests will be well served by extending substantially more training assistance in IT-related areas to developing countries. We will also have to step up a mechanism for developmental assistance to neighbours like Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar if we are to fully tap the potential for expanding cooperation in key areas like energy, transport, communications, tourism and trade. It is essential that the entire process of economic reforms should be expedited and made more transparent if we are to get our missions abroad to facilitate a process of rapidly increasing the flow of foreign investments. It makes little sense to reserve vast sectors of productive activity for the so-called small-scale sector when we face the prospect of being swamped by products from countries like China that are far more pragmatic on such issues. We also need to recognise that investment in crucial areas like mining, energy, power and telecommunications will not be forthcoming in adequate measure till our pricing and other policies become rational, realistic and transparent. Finally, like many of my colleagues I have had to often listen to long discourses abroad from foreign companies and NRIs about why they avoid India as an investment destination. What they give as the reason is the all pervasive corruption. While we may wish to gloss over this issue, we will sooner than later have to address it effectively if we are to be respected in the comity of nations.
— The writer is India’s former High Commissioner to Pakistan. |
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A case for axis against terrorism IN recent months the all-round spurt in violence in Jammu and Kashmir as well as in Nepal, has rekindled the concern of the intelligentsia all over India in particular and the world in general. In the process, many positive suggestions have been thrown up to contain this vicious development. Some of them take a long-range perspective and some a short-term view. In the print media, leading political commentators have ventured to put forward a feasible solution, namely the formation of a three-nation axis against terrorism, India, America and Russia playing the lead part. For India, terrorism has been “Threat No. 1”since the early 1980s. But after two decades there is neither a policy nor a broad outline. In fact, there are no adequate laws to deal with the growing menace. Look at the Indian Penal Code. It does not define a terrorist. It still talks of “thugs” and “dacoits”. Explosives don’t include substances like RDX. Apart from the Disturbed Areas Act, insurgency-affected states like Jammu and Kashmir, Assam, Manipur are governed by virtually the same laws as other states. As a matter of fact, threat is no longer confined to a few States. The ISI has branched all over India and there are no laws to deal with inter-state movements. For instance, a police team from Kashmir cannot make arrests in another State unless the local police cooperates. Similarly, the Intelligence Bureau often armed with specific information has to await local cooperation because it does not have statutory powers to arrest. Moreover, rivalries and
one-upmanship games of different police forces prevent a cohesive anti-terrorist strategy from emerging. The ISI exploits fully these loopholes. The eyes of Delhi are still closed to this grim reality. The only law designed to deal with the terrorist threat — TADA was repealed in 1996, following an outcry that it was directed against minorities. In early 1999, the Law Commission came up with a draft Prevention of Terrorism Bill, the government shied away from enacting it after human rights activists and some States opposed it for being another version of TADA. Last year, the Union Home Ministry proposed a federal agency investigating terrorist crimes. It was opposed at a later-day conference of Chief Ministers. So far for lack of political agreement, the roots of the problem could not be addressed in an effective way. The three nations, namely India, the USA and Russia have a common interest on the matter of tackling the menace of terrorism, irrespective of whatever differences they may have in other fields. India is plagued by the problem of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and the north-eastern States and often it permeates to the other parts. Nepal for instance. The Kashmir problem, which originated at the time of India’s independence and the division of the country into India and Pakistan on religious basis, defies an easy solution because of its complexities. The two major communities of Jammu and Kashmir, the Hindus and Muslims, are also found in both India and Pakistan. This condition forbids military solution to the Kashmir issue. The religious complexity is further compounded by the fact that both India and Pakistan occupy a part of Jammu and Kashmir each, one as a result of accession by the erstwhile ruler and the other by force. There are some people who still think that Jammu and Kashmir should be liberated. From whom, that is a different matter. Whether the liberators are sincere in their intentions or not, they are capable of creating enough problems in the area. Along with these factors, there is an outside interference and the so-called free freedom fighters are supported by outside forces morally and also with arms and mercenaries. Again, there is a convergence of Muslim fundamentalist forces in the name of religion and a jehad is name of religion. A jehad is waged against the infidels. The Muslim fundamentalist groups like the Hizbul Mujahideen etc., propagate the policy of terrorism and violence within the Indian territory. As a result, India pays a heavy price in terms of money and human lives. Though crores of rupees have been spent and thousands of lives have been sacrificed, India is not in a position to check terrorism in the area. A solution becomes more elusive because Pakistan has become a strong supporter of jehad, openly abets the terrorists. Moreover, new militant groups led by Masood Azhar are being formed to fan militancy in India. As India has been affected by Islamic-incited terrorism, Russia and the USA have also been often facing problems due to violence created by Islamic terrorist forces. This has become more pronounced of late. Russia has been concerned about the terrorist menace spreading from Pakistan and Afghanistan. Many constituent parts of former Soviet Union have been threatened by Islamic fundamentalism. Russia alleges that Chechnya is being used for locating camps and bases of the terrorists and they spread to other parts of the Russian federation. Terrorism is regarded by Russia as the sole cause of Chechnya crisis. The bloody hand of Bin Laden is also suspected in the blasts of Moscow in which innocent people were killed. Other cities in Russia are not considered immune to terrorist acts. Like India and Russia, the USA is also not free from the danger of Islamic terrorism. Pakistan-trained terrorists have killed Americans in CIA Headquarters, at the World Trade Centre and within Pakistan itself. The most important leader of Islamic terrorism, Bin Laden is wanted by the USA in connection with the bombing of its missions in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salam, in which more than 200 people were killed. The USA has put a reward of $ 5 million on his head. Bin Laden has proclaimed India and the USA as his biggest enemies and asked the Pakistan militants to join the fight against these countries. The spillover effect of the Taliban has repercussions in India, Russia and the USA, though other countries are also affected. The prevailing international situation in post-1945 period is no longer there. To the USA during the post World War II, period, the threat was from the spread of communism and it adopted the policy of containment. The former Soviet Union felt threatened by the Western democracies. Thus, there was mutual distrust between the two. But today the situation has changed. Both the nations should realise the usefulness of mutual cooperation to check a common enemy. Both the USA and Russia have agreed with India separately to fight terrorism. If these three nations can join to combat terrorism, it will be easier to contain the menace. Kargil has shown that mercenaries of different nations work under the fundamentalists. The activities of the Islamic terrorists have proved that no nation is immune to terrorist violence. Islam is used as a camouflage for violence. Therefore, the nations should recognise that the Taliban and Bin Laden nexus is a danger to World community, at large. As the three nations face a similar challenge, which has a common source, they should form a joint front to contain the danger of Islamic fundamentalism, to make the world safer. |
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Captain of the course GOING through the obituary columns of our esteemed newspaper my eyes got glued recently to the picture of a gentleman whom we had considered immortal all these years. So full was he all the time of the joie de vivre that to think in terms of him as having departed from the land of the living was an unsustainable thought. Yes, the person no more was our famous captain of the course. Having retired from the Army as a Brigadier after an illustrious and decorative career he had taken to golf like fish to water continuing right up to his
eighties. Debonair and immaculately attired the Brigadier was a sartorial model for all golf enthusiasts. “To dress up well and to observe golf etiquette is more than half the job” he would say and then hasten to add: “Nobody looks at your handicap as keenly as your dress and the golf bag”. He presumed that certain amount of foppishness was a part of the golf culture. “You cannot play golf in a track suit” — was one his facetious commandments often repeated on the course. Displaying a penchant for yellow and red on his golf dress was obviously for catching the eye in a predominantly, if not monotonously, green ambience of the golf course. “To avoid the golf ball hitting you, you should be attractively dressed” he remarked. The captain of the course was also a captain off the course. On all social occasions he would be even more sought after for his qualities of head and heart. Having evidently earned his day after a good game of golf the Brigadier was even more convivial and flamboyant at night. Often given to sharing golf jokes of which he knew a legion — one would look around successfully for a shade of the bawdy blending proportionately with the spirits in hand. Whenever we overheard a guffaw in a group we would invariably find him at the centre stage. Meticulously avoiding the ears of the inquisitive females he would be quite punctilious in his tone and volume, making it the right amount audible for the male ear drum only. The captain of the course faired equally well at home. Having lost the company of his wife at a rather early age he was keen to fill up the void by pretty often taking upon himself the role of the absent matriarch of the family. Attending to minor details of the household chores he would be as much concerned with his whisky and gin as with salt and pepper endearing himself equally to his son as well as the daughter-in-law. Having had his round the captain of the course is finally recuperating in the heavenly nineteenth hole. Having played the game of life he packed his bags to leave behind an army of admirers who would wish to emulate him in every way. I left his name unmentioned all along in the confusion whether to treat him as a person or an institution. He was both — going by the name of Brigadier Brar. |
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Content, context and
chaos A new event – a range of installations by six Delhi-based artists and a guest curator, also Delhi-based – opened the other day at the Panjab University’s Museum of Fine Arts. Much has been sought to be made of it, but I have a problem with the event. And I wish to state it, even if it strikes a note of discord in the midst of the usual chorus of congratulations and self-congratulation that one hears on occasions such as this. One had been hearing for a long time that the galleries of the museum were going to be ‘re-arranged’, the task of displaying this distinguished collection of contemporary art having been contracted out to an expert from outside. Knowing as one does the need for fresh energies to flow through the museum, one was looking forward to seeing the result. But nothing of the kind has happened. All that one sees, instead, is a series of installations by seven different artists, most of them using for their own ends a large number of works from the permanent collection of the museum. So, one should be clear that it is a different show which will wind up in another few weeks, leaving the galleries exactly perhaps as they were before. Let me state that I have no problem with installation as an art form. Naturally, not everything succeeds; but, among the large number that I have had occasion to see, both here and abroad, I have found many to be witty, others visually stimulating, still others thought-provoking. Let me also say that I hold some of the artists involved in the present event in great personal esteem, and have enjoyed seeing their work on view, although not everything in the same measure. But it is not as a ‘viewer’ that I speak here. My problem concerns the graver matter of museum practice, and it is as a museum person – at least a former museum person – that I have reservations about this event/exhibition. But let me spell them out. If all the galleries of the museum had been temporarily vacated for any installations to be set up in them, there would be no issue in my mind. I might even have put up with the idea of some smart, all-knowing expert from outside being invited to give the poor provincials of Chandigarh a lesson in how to display works. But there is little that anyone is likely to learn from the present commotion. The processes that have gone into the making of the event are, on the other hand, startlingly different, disturbing. Judging from what one sees in the galleries, the invited artists and the guest-curator seem to have been given the free run of the collection of the museum, allowing everyone to pick and choose any work/s for building their own installations with, or around. The result? A free-for-all approach in which remarkably little respect has been shown to so many works. They can be seen stacked together, crammed into spaces, displayed one in front of another, used as surfaces to which other objects are attached, laid flat on the ground or on their sides, almost at will. As if they were not original works of art, gathered over years with much effort, and worth serious sums of money today, but nameless building blocks. How, one is entitled to wonder, was this allowed to happen? And what, if any, were the terms of reference of the guest curator? Admittedly, the objects belonging to the museum look different now, and some of the arrangements have a certain charm, or make thoughtful points. Contexts have clearly been changed, and content affected. But at what cost, or possible hazard? Does all this ‘re-arranging’, however ephemeral, enhance the museum’s own works in any way, help them to be seen in a better light; or does it, somehow, trivialize them? Are all the drilled holes and arbitrary new fixtures – brought in against the established policy of the museum - going to stand there on scarred walls, and become a part of its new display? Again, is this fair to the artists whose works have been pulled out and treated with such casualness? Is there not an implicit context of showing or keeping the works when an artist sells or gives his work to the museum in the first instance? In any case, is this any way to treat works that are not your own and you have only been given courteous, temporary, access to? When I visited the museum on the day of the opening, one could feel a light sense of chaos in the air. And, within the context of museum practice, I wondered who was over-seeing and taking responsibility for the handling of the objects – all a part of university and, thus, public property – taken out from the collection? These questions might appear to be too many, and somewhat inconvenient. But I doubt if they can be easily answered. That is why I have a problem. But, before I end, yet another question: which other museum in the country – a museum, not an art gallery – would have thrown its whole collection open in this manner, and allowed it to be turned on its head? I am all for art as play, but this? I have my reservations. |
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Trying to escape a criminal
past EVERY time you have a drink with someone you’re worried that you’re going to slip up and tell them a little bit more about yourself than you should,’’ said ‘Peter’. He has spent more than seven years living on the south coast of England with a new identity arranged for him by the police after he had given evidence against two criminals. “It’s not as easy as it looks in the films and it can be very lonely.’’ So what sorts of lives will Robert Thompson and Jon Venables, the two young men who killed two-year old James Bulger in Liverpool, England, 1993 (they were aged 10 at the time), have when they are released later this year, and what are their chances of avoiding
detection? The people most frequently given a new identity by the police are informers or prosecution witnesses in major crime cases who might fear for their lives. Such new identities are not freely handed out and will be granted only if the police believe they or their families are in serious danger of violence from those on whom they have informed and against whom they have given evidence. It is a complex business. The subject of the new identity will be provided not just with a new name but with all the paraphernalia necessary to create a new life. This means new medical records, national insurance number and bank accounts so that there is a minimal chance of someone stumbling by chance on the person’s true identity. Hundreds of new identities have been granted since 1978 when records of them first started to be kept. Only a few of those given new names and homes have since been spotted and the police say that where they have, it has almost always been because the person concerned has not followed their advice and has been unable to resist a journey back to old haunts. This will be less of a temptation for Venables and Thompson, who were only 11 when they were sent away to secure units elsewhere. A survey on relocated witnesses carried out last year by the University of Strathclyde showed that homesickness was one of the key problems faced by those with new identities who were moved out of Scotland. A parallel with the Venables and Thompson case is the case of two teenage New Zealand girls, Juliet Hulme and Pauline Parker, who were convicted in 1954 of killing Pauline’s mother in Christchurch. Pauline, then 16, had been suicidal at the prospect of parting from her 15-year-old friend, Juliet, who was due to go back to England. Pauline’s parents refused to let her join her friend. Released after five and a half years, both eventually made their way to Britain and might have lived their lives in quiet anonymity had it not been for Heavenly Creatures, the 1994 film that told their story. It transpired that Juliet Hulme had become the successful historical mystery writer Anne Perry, living in a village near Inverness. Three years later, Pauline Parker, now known as Hilary Nathan, had her anonymity exposed in a village in Kent. She had been working as a teacher of children with special needs. Until the Human Rights Act came into force in England last October, the courts had no power to grant such an injunction to protect an adult. The injunction which protected that other notorious child killer, Mary Bell, was in fact granted to protect her daughter, who was made a ward of the court. Bell was convicted of killing two little boys in 1968 when she was 12 and was released in 1980. With the assistance of the probation service she constructed a new identity. When she had a daughter in 1984, Northumbria county council successfully sought a High Court injunction that protected the child from being identified.
— By arrangement with The Guardian |
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“Nodal authority should monitor reforms” A constitutional authority should be set up to monitor the pace of implementation to guide the country in emerging as a economic superpower in the new millennium, observed Canada-based economist, Prof Balbir S Sahni of the Centre for International Academic Cooperation, Concordia University, Montreal. He was emphatic that pragmatic steps are required to ensure sustainability of the reforms process. Prof Sahni told Gaurav Chaudhry that the success of economic reforms in India depends on the pace of implementation. Excerpts from the interview: Q. How would you assess the economic reforms process during the last decade in India? A: Irreversibility and uneven pace of economic reforms in India have been a reality throughout the past decade. Since the inception of the reforms process in 1991, successive governments have contributed to its sustainability, perhaps sometimes constrained by major internal and external imperatives. As a result the cumulative impact, temporal and sectoral, has been uneven. Some of the key positive results lend encouragement while the negatives point to a need for introspection. Nonetheless, both call for concrete, pragmatic steps to ensure sustainability of the reforms process with the ultimate objective of attaining a higher growth path for Indian economy. Q: What measures would you prescribe for arresting the slowdown in the economy and boosting domestic industry? A: At present there are selective signs of slowdown but at the same time there are indicators that the reforms process is on course. A renewed and broadbased commitment backed by a central authority is required so that the implementation of designated reforms takes place at a sustained pace. Q: Is a centrally administered system of administration advisable to remove the major roadblocks in India’s reforms process? A: To attain sustainability it is obvious that a renewed broad-based commitment be rendered to implementation. And this effort must cut across the regional and political divide. The success of the economic reforms programmes in India will critically depend on the pace of implementation. Given the multiplicity of departments and the plethora of laws, the constitution of an Economic Reforms Monitoring commission will be ideal. The Commission should be made accountable to Parliament and will solely be responsible for monitoring the pace at which various reforms programmes are implemented in all departments and ministries. Successive governments since 1991 have made sincere attempts at hastening the pace of reforms. The setting up of the Department of Disinvestment is a case in point in this regard. However, the idea that I am proposing is that of a Central nodal authority which will act as a monitoring agency cutting across all departments and set a definite time-frame for implementation of various programmes. Having said that, however, it is essential that the Commission should enjoy maximum autonomy similar to those enjoyed by the Election Commission. Q: There are apprehensions among foreign investors about India’s economic reforms process and the recent lowering of India’s credit rating is a pointer towards this. Your comments. A: India is at crossroads with potential for becoming a major economic power in the world with its reservoir of highly qualified human resource playing an active role at home and abroad. However, while the direction of the reforms remains irreversible, the pace of implementation is uneven and lopsided. This might be traced to rigidities in the system, variance in priorities observed by key players under different ministries and traditional perils of large bureaucracies at all levels. To win the confidence of investors, therefore, ultimate importance should be attached to implementation. Otherwise it may be a case of missed opportunity and the future generations of the population will be deprived of realising improvements in their quality of life. Q: There is wide disparity in foreign direct investment between southern and northern states. How does one reverse this trend? A: There is nothing new about the trend. After all India is a Federal country similar to those of highly industrialised nations in the West. Obviously there have been slippages in terms of
investment flow across regions and states. In the long term, however, the trend is reversible through measures as I had suggested earlier. |
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SPIRITUAL NUGGETS A crow does not take away and The Indian Cuckoo (Koel) does not give anything to anyone. Yet the latter wins the hearts by sheer melody. Like a "Koel" humans too should speak melodiously and diffuse sweetness. — Baba Hardev Singh,
Gems of Times ***** Thy Lord has commanded: Worship none but Him and show
kindness to parents. If one of them or both of them attain old age with thee, never say unto them any word expressive of disgust nor reproach them, but address them with excellent speech. And lower to them the wing of humility out of tenderness and say. 'My Lord, have mercy on them even as they nourished me in my childhood.' — The Holy Quran,
Surah 17, verses 24-25 ***** He whose mother and father Are not duly served and honoured Meet with worries and woes; While the whose mother and father Are held in high esteem Achieves bliss and wins admiration Among his friends And virtuous people. — Rig Veda, 4.6.7 ***** May the son follow the ideals of his father And his actions please his mother. — Atharvaveda, 3.30.2 ***** Honour thy parents, those that gave thee birth, and watched in tenderness thine earliest days and trained thee up in youth, and loved in all. Honour, obey and love them; it shall fill their souls with holy joy, and shall bring down God's richest blessing on thee; and in days to come, thy children, if they are given shall honour thee, and fill thy life with peace. — Tryon Edwards ( 1809-94),
American theologian and editor ***** Next to God, thy parents. — William Penn (1644-1718), English Quaker and founder of Pennsylvania ***** Honour thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the lord thy God giveth thee. — The Holy Bible: Exodus, XX, 12 ***** A son has no greater duty, no higher good, than serving his parents. — From the discourses of
Sathya Sai Baba |
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