E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Sunday, October 18, 1998 |
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Collapse
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When numbers add up to trouble
WE were taught in school that one plus one equals two. But Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee is finding that those numbers add up to something else altogether: trouble. The one and the one I refer to are that redoubtable pair of singletons Dr Subramaniam Swamy and Vazhapadi Ramamurthy. Each is the President of his party and each is also that partys sole representative in the Lok Sabha. But that is about all that the two men have in common. Dr Swamy is currently one of Jayalalithas favourites as the Union Petroleum Minister definitely is not. And the AIADMK chief is trying to get the president of the Rajiv Gandhi Congress out of the Union Cabinet just as strenuously as she tried to install the head of the Janata Party back in March. It would seem that Ramamurthy hasnt been forgiven for saying bluntly that he would throw in his lot with the BJP even if the AIADMK withdrew from the ruling coalition. Jayalalithas push-pull strategy vis-a-vis Subramaniam Swamy and Vazhapadi Ramamurthy has put the Prime Minister in a spot of trouble. It is no secret at all that he was planning a minor reshuffle of his ministry. Rumour had it that some senior BJP leaders would be inducted (including Sahib Singh Verma, Chief Minister of Delhi until last week). But the AIADMK chief has effectively muddied the waters. There is no way that the Prime Minister is going to accept Subramaniam Swamy as a colleague. But by the same token he isnt going to throw his Petroleum Minister to the wolves. First, Ramamurthy is in Jayalalithas bad books because he went out of his way to declare his primary loyalty to the Prime Minister. What kind of message will go out to the BJPs friends if dismissal is the reward for good faith? Second, even if the Prime Minister wants to lay ethics aside, the Petroleum Minister isnt exactly a lone ranger. The PMK chief, Dr Ramdoss (an old friend) has vowed to pull out his ministers if Ramamurthy is removed. So the BJP is looking, potentially, at a loss of five votes in the Lok Sabha. But Jayalalitha has her own compulsions. It was firmly driven home in March that she couldnt push her own friends into the Union Cabinet over the Prime Ministers objections. Later still she crossed swords with the Home Minister over her demands for dismissing the DMK Ministry in Tamil Nadu. But those rebuffs can be explained away it isnt easy to bully a Prime Minister or a Union Home Minister. But can Jayalalitha afford to let someone like Vazhapadi Ramamurthy openly defy her? It is one thing to lose a battle in Delhi; it is quite another to let her position of primacy slip away in Tamil Nadu itself. The DMKs spin-doctors wont lose the opportunity to snigger that Jayalalitha isnt just powerless to aid her friends, she is equally helpless to lift a finger against her foes. But even if she cant get her way ultimately, Jayalalitha definitely has the strength to block the proposed reshuffle. As they see her make one demand after another, other allies begin to feel they too shall get a better deal by making a little fuss. Inordinate delays may even have repercussions within the BJP itself. It would have made life much easier for all concerned, for instance, if Sahib Singh Verma could have been inducted into the Union Cabinet even as he was eased out of the top job in the Delhi Government. Thanks to Jayalalitha, his removal became a pretty graceless affair. In November, 1997, one
government fell thanks to half a dozen ministers from
Tamil Nadu. (The United Front stood by the DMK in the
wake of the Jain Commissions allegations.) It is a
sign of the times that today it doesnt need even
half that many to rattle a government just two men
from the same state can effectively derail a reshuffle. |
Collapse of the Bretton Woods
system HOW to run the world on the cheap this is a theory that none but the Americans have mastered. The rest of the world is not even aware of how it is done. But it seems the game is up. The new economic crisis that has struck the world is not of countries, but of the system itself. It is perhaps the end of the Bretton Woods system. Naturally, the IMF and the World Bank, the two pillars of the system, are beginning to crumble. They were largely responsible for the present crisis. As a result, they have come in for frank and fierce criticism. To begin with, from Bill Clinton himself! He wants a new financial system, a new mechanism as he calls it; no less. But please do not rush to conclusions. He is not going to scrap the IMF and the World Bank. Washington still needs them. They have served American foreign policy for over five decades. And they can still be useful for a long time. If they have failed, it is because America barred them from moving with the times. The aim now is to design a new mechanism anchored in the IMF to ward off global financial contagion, says Clinton. This is double-talk. The IMF and the World Bank are there not to help borrowers, but only to protect Western investors. But adversities bring out truths. The World Bank accuses the IMF today of being rigid in its policies, technical in approach and indifferent to human sufferings. This is of course an old charge against the IMF from its clients. But from the World Bank? It was not expected. The IMF is no more inclined to refute these charges. It admits that it had gone wrong in the formulation of its policies. There is the demand in the US Congress that the 53-year-old IMF be closed down. A similar demand was raised during the Reagan era, when Reagan wanted the poor of the world to be left to the mercies of the commercial banks. Today, too, the argument is similar: when there is a free flow of capital across the world to meet with short-term and long-term capital needs of the world, where is the need for the IMF? Perhaps these people are innocent. Perhaps not. It shows want of understanding of Washingtons hidden agenda. What is this hidden agenda? Let me elaborate. There is a saying: anyone can start a business with his own capital, but it takes a clever businessman to do business with other peoples money. Ergo, any nation can conquer a weaker one and exploit it, but it takes America to bring the world under its dominance all at the expense of other countries and exploit the world for the benefit of America for its traders, bankers, investors. This is a new game a new form of exploitation, of which the developing countries are least conscious about. Marx talked of capitalist exploitation, Lenin of imperialism. The Left repeats these like a mantra. But they have no clue about the new form of exploitation. Jeffrey Sachs, the MIT Professor, has an answer to this puzzle. He says that at a deeper level, the problem is of a basic approach. America has wanted global leadership on the cheap. It was scared of any enterprise which was not cost-free. And it was scared of taxing the Americans. So it devised a new cost-free imperialism. The IMF and the World Bank thought it out and executed it. Dear reader, allow me a digression at this stage. I have not come across a single book, either foreign or Indian, on the subject of this new imperialism, of how America has maintained the leadership of the world on the cheap. And yet it was the essence of the post-war policy. So much for our understanding of modern imperialism! We have never given thought to the subject, not to speak of analysing it. Our analysis of imperialism, old or new in Marxist jargon, is totally inept to explain what Prof Jeffrey Sachs is talking about. My own ideas on how America gained its ascendance on the cheap are confined to the following ideas: (1) by printing unlimited dollars; (2) by manipulating trade terms and exchange rates; (3) by engineering crises that of Mexico and, of late, Asia; (4) by transferring the defence burden on to others; and (5) by mastering the psychology of nations. (I would suggest that the nonaligned should sponsor a study on this so that we have a better understanding of todays imperialism.) It was said that globalisation, free flow of capital and IMF guidance would bring in an era of prosperity for all. In fact, prosperity for all became the jingle for globalisation. And our leaders, who should have known their economic history, believed in this bosh. They (Rao, Chidambaram, Dr Manmohan Singh) even propagated it. (What have they to say today?) Others argued: with so much of capital flows, where is the need for official assistance. It was thus that the rich nations absolved themselves of their responsibility to continue official assistance? This was a fatal mistake. Camdessus, the Managing Director of IMF, says that for us to respond properly, we must understand clearly what went wrong. This is a clear admission that the IMF had no clue on what went wrong. Yet that did not deter it from offering new nostrums, which ruined most of the Asian countries, especially Indonesia. So, who were the beneficiaries in the present crisis? First of all, the foreign (Western) financial speculators (including banks) who made billions and then the MNCs who are merrily picking up the ruined companies of Asia for a song. That is how to run the world on the cheap. It is the same American companies which will emerge as lenders to governments later and finance even their military purchases. The trouble with any system is that there are too many interest groups involved in it. The market cannot adjudicate among them. Only an impartial government can. And there must be a mechanism which is reasonably good. The IMF was against any controls of the free flow of capital, but when the capital took flight it had no advice but to raise the interest rate. But that very act is read in the market as a signal of panic. The outflow becomes a flood. And the poor country is in ruins. This is what the IMF has learnt in 50 years with the best brains it can command! We cannot keep the IMF and
the World Bank going, Jeffrey Sachs says, merely to keep
them in operation or to lend new money to governments to
pay off old debts. The IMF and the World Bank must find
new avocations. And there are plenty of them for
example, the rehabilitation of the ruined economies
(Russia, Afghanistan etc) and new forms of assistance
(education, population, health, knowledge dissemination,
agriculture training etc.) which are not attractive to
capital in search of higher profits. In short, the IMF
and the IBRD must cease to think that they are banks in
search of profits. And they must stop being patrons of
speculators, who go in the guise of investors. And, above
all, they must cease to abet America to run the world on
the cheap. |
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