Angry electioneering
ELECTIONEERING has of late tended to squeeze out policy issues, logic and often truth, embracing instead vituperation and competitive counter-attack.

Misleading Muslims
THE time has come for Muslim intellectuals in India to raise their voice against the attempts made by the so-called leaders of the community to cause further damage to the secular fabric.

Celestial anti-climax
FOR millions of people in India and several other countries, it was as if the well-advertised fireworks show had been cancelled at the last minute. They kept an excited vigil on the night of Tuesday-Wednesday to see nature’s Divali but the sparkling meteors were too few to live up to the expectations.

TALBOTT ‘TALKATHON’ & AFTER
by Inder Malhotra
STRANGE are the ways of the Americans. It was they who, in the aftermath of their stridently adverse reaction to the Indian nuclear tests in May, had insisted on the Indo-US dialogue on the nuclear issue, with a view to finding a mutually satisfactory meeting ground.

Dwindling foreign investment
by Bharat Jhunjhunwala
THE World Investment Report recently released by UNCTAD recognises the existence of an ongoing battle between home and host countries for the benefits of foreign investment. The data presented by it lead to the conclusion that competition between developing countries for attracting foreign investment is not begetting them any results.

Indira Gandhi: some lingering memories
by P.D. Tandon
INDIRA GANDHI once told me that she hardly read books and other things written about her. Years ago, she had told a foreign journalist that she did not believe in others’ judgement about her. It seems that she knew herself well.

‘Sharp fall in militants’ infiltration into J&K’
by Ehsan Fazili
LIEUT-GEN Krishan Pal is the Corps Commander of 15 Corps and has a wide area of operation covering Kashmir and Ladakh. He is also the ex-officio Security Adviser to the state government. In a recent interview, the General, who took over as Corps Commander on May 11 last year, was asked how the situation in the state was at present.

Step out of shadows
by I. M. Soni
EVEN if you do not subscribe to the gloomy philosophy of Thomas Hardy that “happiness is but an occasional episode in the general drama of pain”, you find unhappiness sticking at you like burs.

75 Years Ago

The Special Congress
MRS Sarojini Naidu had, until some months ago, until in fact her famous tour in the Punjab which brought her into personal contact with the leaders of the Swaraj Party, been an ardent No-Changer.

Angry electioneering

ELECTIONEERING has of late tended to squeeze out policy issues, logic and often truth, embracing instead vituperation and competitive counter-attack. Judged even by this dipping standard, the ongoing campaigning marks a new low. As the party with much at stake, the BJP has naturally gone on the offensive, with Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee leading up front. Of course the real champion is party spokesman Venkaiah Naidu whose one-line denials, one-line claims and one-line assertions have of late been enriched with the introduction of one-line accusation. The Congress lags behind in this department despite the recruitment of “pinch-hitter” Mani Shankar Aiyar. (The description is lifted from a Delhi newspaper headline.) On the surface, the elections to four states are being fought on one issue apiece — Congress-CPM conspiracy from the BJP side and soaring prices as the retort. In Rajasthan the Prime Minister changed tack and sought a vote for him as person and for him as Prime Minister, thus indirectly laying his popularity on the line.

The Prime Minister’s attack on the conspiracy to grab power has no relevance to this round of elections as the CPM is nonexistent in the four states. But it has everything to do with the post-November 28 scenario. If the outcome were to go in favour of the Congress, it will manoeuvre to mobilise a majority and will hope to wean away some of the present ruling alliance partners. In this scheme the CPM will play a prominent part. As the unofficial ideologue of the extinct UF, it has built durable bridges with some regional outfits and can line them up behind a Congress-led government. This is the conspiracy Mr Vajpayee is referring to. The problem is that it is a publicly announced plan and the CPM has been tirelessly championing the cause of an early ouster of the ruling combination to be supplanted by one headed by the former ruling party. From the daily outbursts of Mr Naidu, it would appear as though the change-the-government option is easy and inevitable. Far from it. It would take considerable effort and time to cobble together the necessary strength and during the endless parleys, the party in power will have great advantage.

What should bother the BJP more is the disarray some of its allies find themselves in. Ms Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress is worried that the Sanskrit and Saraswati Vandana controversy may cost it the sizeable Muslim votes and hence its four-month ultimatum and black day programme on December 6. The Akalis are angry, at least a section of them. Grim winds continue to blow from Chennai and the mercurial Shiv Sena chief Thackeray may snap ties any day. The Biju Janata Dal is on the throes of a split which will rock the alliance as a whole. Luckily for the BJP leadership, Ms Jayalalitha had failed to set up a regional front to confront the BJP; now Ms Banerjee seems to have picked up the thread. Another thing going in favour of the BJP is the clear realisation among senior Congressmen that if their party were to come to power at the head of a similar coalition, it will merely inherit the in-built problems, and also suffer from deeply entrenched factionalism. Why don’t the parties in the electoral fray discuss these juicy issues instead of shadow boxing around half-issues or deep fears?

Misleading Muslims

THE time has come for Muslim intellectuals in India to raise their voice against the attempts made by the so-called leaders of the community to cause further damage to the secular fabric. Countless reasons can be given for isolating the likes of Mr G.M. Banatwala, a senior member of Parliament, from claiming to represent the interests of Indian Muslims. The community needs a Sir Syed Ahmad Khan to lead it towards the light of learning and a Maulana Azad to make it proud of its multi-cultural Indian roots. The meeting in Lucknow of the self-proclaimed leaders of the community with representatives of the Indian Union Muslim League of Kerala and the Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen of Andhra Pradesh which floated the idea of forming a “national party” under the name of Milli Jamhoori Mahaz (Muslim Democratic Front) with Mr Banatwala as its leader has not received the attention it deserves. It is a dangerous idea which should be nipped in the bud. It is inconceivable that Mr Banatwala and his MJM would ever be able to sell the idea of a “national party of the Millat, for the Millat to nearly 15 crore Muslims spread all over the country. If it were possible, Mr Banatwala would not be speaking about teaching the “secular parties a lesson for ignoring the interests of the Muslims”. Such a platform would give him the power of becoming another Jinnah. The confusion which these self-styled leaders seek to cause among the ranks of the Muslims in India, and in the process earn them a bad name, is evident from the call given by the Milli Parliament, a fundamentalist organisation, to members of the community to boycott the Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Delhi and Mizoram. It has issued a “fatwa” against voting for Muslim candidates. What purpose would it serve?

It must be recognised that the Imam Bukharis and the Banatwalas are primarily responsible for giving Indian Muslims a bad Press. Even if the dream of the MJM of capturing political power through floating a “national party” is realised, what model of governance would it offer to the country? Would it draw inspiration from the Taliban or Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan whose attempt to Islamise the country is being questioned by enlightened sections of the community. There is an equally enlightened section of Muslims in India. Neither history nor the country would ever forgive them for not challenging the negative rhetorics of the Imam Bukharis and the Banatwalas. They must not forget that the backlash to the agenda of Muslim fundamentalists would not spare them just because “we are not one of them”. The interests of the community, with or without government help, can only be promoted by working out a policy which could pull it out of the abyss of economic and educational deprivation. Mr Banatwala would be doing the Muslims of India a good turn if he were to abandon the agenda adopted at the Lucknow conclave. Some of the issues raised at the meeting are relevant, but the strategy adopted for their redress is not only wrong but dangerous. The attempt to justify the formation of the MJM by referring to Dalit political resurgence and the impact of the Akali Dal on national politics is flawed for obvious reasons. A Muslim version of the Hindutva agenda can only be offered by those who have neither the good of the community nor the country at heart. However, the silence of the Muslim intellectuals would be taken as acceptance of the agenda adopted at the meeting of the so-called political leaders of the community in Lucknow.

Celestial anti-climax

FOR millions of people in India and several other countries, it was as if the well-advertised fireworks show had been cancelled at the last minute. They kept an excited vigil on the night of Tuesday-Wednesday to see nature’s Divali but the sparkling meteors were too few to live up to the expectations. After all, such a rare occurrence is witnessed only once in 33 years. People were hoping that hundreds of “shooting stars” will streak past the sky but barely a handful could be seen even by those who stayed awake till the very morning. To some extent, it was the city haze, bright lights and such earthly polluting factors which played the spoilsport. In Mumbai, Pune and Bangalore, the clouds dampened the spirits. At the same time, Nature also showed once again that despite all the technological advances, it is never easy to predict its course of action properly. Things were no different in countries like China, which was earlier said to be the best location to watch the dazzling show, although the display is reported to be worthwhile in Japan. While the disappointment of the people in general is understandable, it is fortunate that there are no reports of damage to satellites due to the Leonid showers at the time of writing. That was a very real possibility and since today’s world depends to a great extent on satellites, it could have played havoc with communications. As a matter of abundant caution, Doordarshan had shut down its services. The Indian Space Research Organisation had also reoriented its nine satellites’ solar panels to present the minimum possible surface area towards the approaching storm.

Amidst this entire climax and anti-climax, there are some burning questions on which the world will have to focus. The threat from comets is becoming much more serious than just science fantasy. The Tempel-Tuttel comet is just one of the very many which pass by the earth every year. Most of these solid masses of ice and dust are either too small or too distant to be of concern. At the same time, there are others that have the potential to wipe out life from the face of the earth completely. It is one such comet that is believed to have annihilated dinosaurs millions of years ago. There is no guarantee that the same calamity cannot visit us again. Despite this, when American scientists had started a programme some years ago during the presidency of Ronald Reagan to use the Star Wars missiles to combat the comets, there was no dearth of cynics who laughed at this hypersensitivity and the quixotic scheme. Time has proved that the threat is quite real. And a comet does not have to crash on the earth to cause an apocalyptic disaster. The huge tail of debris, which can be 160 million kilometres long, itself can cause incalculable damage. As said earlier, excessive dependence on satellites too can prove risky. There is need for scientists from all over the world to put their heads together to devise ways and means to ensure that this beautiful planet is not caught unawares when an errant space wanderer comes this way. The shortage of “shooting stars” would have been only a disappointment for those who were ready to make a wish. An excess of them can make many nightmares come true. There was a time when it was thought that the comets were a bad omen. Today, it is known that the grandma’s tales are not true. But even for those who are not superstitious at all, these do present a serious threat.

TALBOTT ‘TALKATHON’ & AFTER
Wanton damage to Indo-US dialogue
by Inder Malhotra

STRANGE are the ways of the Americans. It was they who, in the aftermath of their stridently adverse reaction to the Indian nuclear tests in May, had insisted on the Indo-US dialogue on the nuclear issue, with a view to finding a mutually satisfactory meeting ground. The talks between the Prime Minister’s personal envoy, Mr Jaswant Singh, and the US Deputy Secretary of State, Mr Strobe Talbott, had begun on a promising note and a nuclear “deal” seemed feasible.

Then, inexplicably, the American side started backtracking. Especially on the crucial question of lifting the sanctions and withdrawing the long-standing restrictions on the transfer of dual use technology in return for Indian signatures on the CTBT before the target date of September 1999. Almost simultaneously, the US President, Mr Bill Clinton, requested his Russian opposite number, Mr Boris Yeltsin, to end “military and defence cooperation” with India. The Russians tersely refused.

The resultant Indian dismay was voiced by the Prime Minister, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, himself in his famous speech to Asia Society in New York in September. Instead of trying to limit the damage and impart fresh impetus to the critically important dialogue, the USA regrettably chose to make things worse. Ironically, it did so in the course of lifting partially the sanctions imposed on both India and Pakistan in the wake of Pokhran-II and Chagai which would normally have won Washington some kudos in New Delhi. But the whole gesture was vitiated by America’s wilful and gratuitous design to tilt the scales in Pakistan’s favour.

No wonder, New Delhi protested against this discriminatory and unfair decision. It had no objection to Pakistan being “bailed out” of imminent economic disaster. But what harm could have come to either Pakistan or the USA if, while holding back its opposition to IMF and World Bank aid to Pakistan, the same courtesy would have been extended also to this country. To refuse to do so, on the specious ground that the Indian economy is far stronger than Pakistan’s, shows a deplorable bias, of course. But more dangerously, it sends a political and psychological message to the wide world, more particularly to Pakistan, which cannot be lost on even the meanest intelligence.

As if this was not enough, the USA has followed it up with a series of measures all of which are calculated to cause offence and thus undermine further the dialogue that is in the best interest of both sides. In the first place, the chief American negotiator, Mr Talbott, has embarked on a publicity blitz, ironically, in relation to an exercise which is supposed to be conducted in secret. The tone and tenor of his article in The Times of India, his address to the Broakings Institute in Washington and his Internet discussion with Indian and Pakistani security experts have unfortunately been discouraging.

In fact, some of his public pronouncements are contrary to what was reportedly being said by the American side during the confidential negotiations. For instance, as the US Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, Mr Karl Inderfurth, had clearly indicated earlier (and Mr Talbott had done so to Mr Jaswant Singh), it was not America’s position that India should not develop nuclear weapons or ballistic missiles. What it wanted was that these should not be “deployed”. In his speech to Broakings, Mr Talbott has gone back on that.

Even more surprisingly, six months after the tests at Pokhran and Chagai, America, using the usual stooges such as Australia and Canada, got a resolution passed by the UN “condemning” Indian and Pakistani tests. A number of nonaligned countries did abstain. But the resolution was rammed through. This is hardly conducive to making the dialogue between New Delhi and Washington a success. Interestingly, China abstained from voting on this resolution. Not because it has any sympathy with the Indian tests, but because it felt that the resolution had failed to demand that India should sign the NPT as a non-nuclear power.

This brings us to a point which is as yet unclear but could become a complicating factor. A demand for India (and Pakistan) signing the NPT is among the “nonproliferation benchmarks”, on which Indian and Pakistani compliance is demanded, in the resolutions of the P-5, G-8 and the UN Security Council. On this score, in the course of bilateral talks, nothing has been heard from the USA so far. But, during his recent visit to Delhi, the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr Fatchett, even while trying to improve relations with India, told some of his interlocuters that the signing of the NPT by India and Pakistan remained an objective of the nuclear weapons powers! This, it is perhaps needless to add, will be totally unacceptable to India.

The worst thing the Americans could have done was to announce the list of 40 Indian entities and their 200 subsidiaries, in both the public and private sectors, which have been “blacklisted” for any transactions with American firms. Incredible though it may seem the black list includes the parachute factory at Dehradun and even food processing factories run by the Ministry of Defence Production. The timing of Washington’s announcement could not have been worse. The list was posted exactly four days before the seventh round of the Jaswant-Talbott talks at Rome.

India’s description of this high-handed act, at a time when a further “relaxation” of the sanctions is also being talked of as “coercive” and “objectionable” is entirely right. New Delhi has also decided to go to the WTO against this diktat which flouts the Marrakesh treaty to which both India and the USA are parties.

Since it is nobody’s interest that the current Indo-US dialogue should break down, one wonders why the Americans have embarked on a manifestly negative course at this stage. In all fairness, it must also be recognised that all the fault does not lie on the American side though it must bear the most of the blame. There is a lot of maladroitness on the Indian side as well. For this the Vajpayee government bears a heavy responsibility even though other parties are treating the nuclear issue as a football of partisan politics and thus queering the pitch.

Not only has the BJP-led coalition failed to evolve national consensus on the nuclear issue, and such specific matters as the signing of the CTBT, but also it has failed equally miserably to educate the public opinion. Even within the government, Mr Jaswant Singh and the Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary, Mr Brajesh Mishra, seem to be working at cross-purposes. Altogether, foreigners have got the impression that domestic discord has rendered the present government unable to do anything about the CTBT. An even more damaging impression that has gone round, as much in the USA as in China, is that most Indian political parties regard the nuclear tests a purely BJP agenda, not a national one.

However, the US government is not so naive as to believe that if the BJP-led government fails and is replaced by one dominated by the Congress, the Indian nuclear programme will be rolled back. Even so, by taking a tough stand against India at this stage, the Americans might be trying to influence the state assembly elections against the governing combination. To what effect, remains to be seen.

It is also possible that toughness against India is intended to bludgeon Mr Nawaz Sharif to sign the CTBT on Pakistan’s behalf during his visit to Washington. The Pakistani Foreign Minister, Mr Sartaj Aziz, has been making statements which bespeak of Pakistani nervousness.

Dwindling foreign investment
by Bharat Jhunjhunwala

THE World Investment Report recently released by UNCTAD recognises the existence of an ongoing battle between home and host countries for the benefits of foreign investment. The data presented by it lead to the conclusion that competition between developing countries for attracting foreign investment is not begetting them any results. The logical conclusion should have been to prevent such competition and give more attention to domestic investment. Yet, UNCTAD argues for exactly the opposite and advises developing countries to offer yet better terms to foreign investors. In other words, UNCTAD would lead us to a regimen where most, if not all, of the benefits of foreign investment would be appropriated by foreigners. And we would be reduced to receiving mere wage incomes.

Assuming for a moment that foreign investment does lead to an increase in incomes in the host country, the question remains: who will get a larger share of that income? This conflict is best brought out by the treaties of double taxation. If a German invests in India and earns an income, where should it be taxed? Both the Indian and German governments have the right to tax such income. If the Indian government imposes higher tax than say, Pakistan, then FDI flows to that country rather than to India. If the German government imposes a high tax on such income from foreign operations then its investors would rather headquarter themselves elsewhere and that would lead to a loss of income to Germany. Thus, it is beneficial for the German and Indian governments to come together and settle for a combined lower rates of tax. This effort, however, reduces itself to a zero sum game. The loss of India is the gain of Germany and vice versa.

The problem is compounded by intra-firm pricing and royalty payments. General Motors India supplies an auto component to General Motors USA. If it wishes to have itself taxed in the USA, it simply reduces the price at which the export is made from its subsidiary to itself. The Indian subsidiary incurs a loss and the US major an equivalent profit. The Indian government is deprived of its legitimate share of the tax revenue. Royalty payments are another route by which such income transfers take place to wherever it suits the majors.

Obviously, foreign investors would like to invest in countries where they get the most profitable tax regimen. The result, according to UNCTAD, has been a competition to lower the taxes so as to attract foreign investors: “Once one country introduces (a preferential) tax regime, others may find it necessary to respond with similar measures, thereby triggering a ‘race to bottom’ in the corporate tax field.” This form of tax competition is harmful because it enables the foreign investors to take their incomes back home leaving little multiplier effect behind.

Yet developing countries have continued to extend incentives to the foreign investors in the hope that lower tax receipts would be compensated by increased capital flows. UNCTAD says that during 1997 as many as 36 countries introduced such incentives while only seven reduced them.

The hard fact is that such incentives have produced little result. In fact, flows of foreign investment, contrary to what UNCTAD proclaims, have receded. In 1985, the developing countries share was 23.4 per cent of the global FDI stock. In 1997, it was down to about 21.3 per cent. The share of developing countries in the current global flows of capital has remained stagnant despite these enticements. They accounted for 26.6 per cent of global flows in 1994. In 1997, it remained at 26.6 per cent despite more concessions having been offered. In other words, the ever increasing incentives being offered to foreign investors are not leading to an increase in capital flows to the developing countries.

The flow of portfolio investments and bank lending has entirely turned negative. UNCTAD, however, focuses on FDI and claims that these inflows increased in 1997 with “no developing region experiencing a decline”. This is not correct. Africa received inflows of $4710 million in 1997 against $4828 million in 1996. The decline in net inflows, after accounting for outflows was even sharper – from $4531 million to $3580 million.

The situation is not as rosy for developing countries as a whole either. It is true that FDI inflows increased by 15 per cent (from 129 to 149 billion dollars). This hides the fact, however, that outflows increased at a higher rate by 24 per cent (from $49 to 61 billion). In absolute terms the net inflows increased by only 8 per cent. If the higher rate of outflows persists, the net figure would soon turn negative.

Step out of shadows
by I. M. Soni

EVEN if you do not subscribe to the gloomy philosophy of Thomas Hardy that “happiness is but an occasional episode in the general drama of pain”, you find unhappiness sticking at you like burs.

Glooming at “general drama of pain” is natural. Mourning a death is also natural. Venting grief releases pent up feelings which otherwise fester inside.

But it is unnatural to hug grief. Grieving for long amounts to colouring life with dark hues by shutting out the bright ones. Johnson has called it “the putrefaction of stagnant life.”

Mourning is a natural way to dissipate grief. The weak-willed go on wallowing in grief. They overlook (or are ignorant) that the healing factor of time brings comfort and consolation but also emotional exhaustion. Time can heal some wounds but it cannot conceal the scars.

Grief is an emotional toxin which has to be fought and countered lest it should destroy the mourner who should step out of the shadows into the sunshine of life.

Genuine grief is cleaning. It is overpowering but it also lends strength to character. It is uplifting. If you have the character, its shadows cannot blot out the bright patches of your life. It hollows the heart and ages the head but if you handle it strongly, it makes you majestic.

It is one of the best educators in the world. It enables us to see farther through a tear than a telescope.

Like adversity, it tests our inner resources. Life goes on. Time may heal wounds but it cannot fill the void.

Something more than the consolation of time-a-great-healer is needed. Hope, faith, a sense of continuity and worthwhileness of life are the real supports.

It is the knowledge of the unity and oneness that sustains life. To live means to feel, and feeling entails pain as well as pleasure, suffering as well as joy.

Acceptance of life demands acceptance of all emotions, sweet as well as bitter, positive as well as negative. No one can say, “I will have only the sweet.” The bitter too is part of life.

What gives us grief is the same as gives us happiness. The tragic separation from a loved one precedes a joyful union. We do not forego this joy because it may entail distress.

Small sufferings distract us; big ones increase fortitude. We are never our usual-selves after we have had a shattering experience. We are different, stronger and deeper. Life with all its sufferings, woes, cares, heartbreaks and backstabbings is more interesting than bovine passivity.

Pretending avoidance of grief, however, is not helpful because it keeps the focus on it which makes it worse. So is synthetic entertainment. You must wait till it is digested.

Suffering humanises. One comes to know and becomes aware of the immense hidden strength of character.

To broadcast sorrow is only to increase the suffering without increasing our strength to bear it.

Excessive show of grief makes one an object of pity, the worst of human emotions. No self-respecting person likes to be pitied.

The dark mood is a purifying agent. Just as one should not get imbalanced in the time of happiness, so should one remain dignified in grief. There is nothing as admirable as a man “bravely wretched.”

Plunge in constructive work. It staves off brooding which nurses gloom. There is no need to tear at your hair. Baldness is no remedy for the blankness of the mind!

Indira Gandhi: some lingering memories
by P.D. Tandon

INDIRA GANDHI once told me that she hardly read books and other things written about her. Years ago, she had told a foreign journalist that she did not believe in others’ judgement about her. It seems that she knew herself well.

The price of greatness is often quite heavy. Great men and women are condemned to hard labour and have little time for themselves. They long to be with their friends and relatives but cannot indulge in it often. Their birthdays, too, become a public affair and even on that day they can hardly relax or take a holiday from work. In the course of a letter once Indira Gandhi wrote to me: “I wish a birthday could remain private and personal. As it is, there is never time for one’s friends and relatives. The nineteenth was even more hectic than usual so it was far from being a holiday.”

The Prime Minister had invited about 500 people, relations, friends and acquaintances to Swaraj Bhavan on November 1, 1970, where she formally handed over Anand Bhavan to the Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Trust. The atmosphere was of solemn stillness.

Draped in an elegant sari, Indira Gandhi came to the dais smiling, but one could see a tear behind it. Her very first sentence was rather dramatic. “A little boy just now said that there was a microphone on the dais. Another one observed that Indira Gandhi would speak. When enquired on what she would speak, he said whatever she happened to remember. The little one did not know that on this occasion there was a flood of memories overwhelming me”, she told the audience.

One could see that she was struggling to continue her speech, but could not. There was a lump in her throat. A storm of Anand Bhavan memories was chasing her. She wept and tears rolled down her cheeks. She wiped them again and again. Those who saw her sobbing felt sad, and those who were near to her nearly cried.

After a few minutes she got over her feelings and in a voice quivering with emotion she said: “Anand Bhavan was hardly ever my home in a real sense. Perhaps, only once in my life, I stayed at Anand Bhavan for a month at a stretch. I have memories only about this home. The police used to brutally lathli-charge volunteers and the injured were brought to Swaraj Bhavan. Those days, due to fear, doctors refused to treat the wounded ones during the day. They would come in the darkness of the night to attend to them. People complain of their difficulties today, but what those poor people got by participating in that struggle, I ask?” Her voice got choked and she broke down.

After a minute or so, she continued her speech and told the audience that she first quarrelled with her father in 1930. One night there was to be a bonfire of foreign clothes at Swaraj Bhavan and she requested her father to let her see it. He did not permit her as that was the time for her to be in bed. She persisted but he refused. She ran to Motilal Nehru and expressed her desire to see the bonfire. “Grandfathers are grandfathers” and he said;” Yes, darling, I will take you with me,” Indira told her listeners.

The meeting ended and the people went to their homes, but now Indira had no home. She went to Anand Bhavan for that night’s stay, but never again. It was no longer her home: it was only a monument of memories.

Those were the days of friendly bonds and a true comradeship when the late Sucheta Kripalani lived at Swaraj Bhavan and was close to Indira. She used to visit Anand Bhavan frequently and she and Indira were on good terms. Indira had finally returned home after studies abroad and had started taking interest in political activities. The late Purnima Banerji, who always loved to visit Anand Bhavan when Jawaharlal Nehru was there, was very friendly and affectionate to Indira. She adored Panditji and he too was very fond of her and always addressed her as Nora.

The AICC office those days was at Swaraj Bhavan, and Purnima Banerji went there to meet Acharya Kripalani and other Congress leaders almost daily. She did not want to be dependent on the family car for visiting Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan. She wanted to be free from that bondage and got a tricycle made for her use. On it, she moved all over the town in connection with party work.

Indira liked Purnima’s idea of owning such a conveyance and she too wanted not to be dependent on the family car and the driver. One day, at the tea table, she asked Sucheta Kripalani: “Why do you not have a cycle like Purnima’s”. She replied: “First let me learn how to use it and then it can be bought also.”

“What is the difficulty about it? We will take Purnima’s tricycle and learn to use it,” Indira suggested. When Purnima heard this, she readily agreed to lend her vehicle to Indira and observed, “Indu, do learn to cycle, but I cannot help you in balancing it. It is rather a tough job.”

Indira and Sucheta both decided to learn cycling and since I knew them well I was commissioned to teach them how to cycle. I still clearly remember that one day Jawaharlal Nehru stood beside us to watch our performance.

He observed: “P.D. you should not give too much support to Indu. Let her fall down once or twice, if she must: It is part of the game.” But I felt that it was not Indira whose capacity to learn was under test, but mine to teach.

Indira and Sucheta practised by turns as there was only one tricycle. I felt that if both of them could learn how to cycle without getting any hurt or injury, I would get the credit for it. As far as I remember none of them got even a scratch, but I am not sure if any of them could adequately learn how to cycle.

In the affairs of men there are occasions when courage is safer than prudence. After the rout of her government in 1977, she showed more courage than prudence and it paid dividends. The crisis passed and when I drove with her from Delhi to Haryana on October 8, I was astounded to see her tremendous popularity among the masses. Men, women and children gathered all along the route just to have a glimpse of her. It only showed that the people had faith in her leadership and believed that she would be able to solve the country’s most baffling problems. Like her father she too was engaged in the great adventure of building a new India.

‘Sharp fall in militants’ infiltration into J&K’
by Ehsan Fazili
Tribune News Service

LIEUT-GEN Krishan Pal is the Corps Commander of 15 Corps and has a wide area of operation covering Kashmir and Ladakh. He is also the ex-officio Security Adviser to the state government.

In a recent interview, the General, who took over as Corps Commander on May 11 last year, was asked how the situation in the state was at present.

He replied: It is quite satisfactory. Militarily we have contained the situation. Now this is the consolidation phase going on in which we are all working together for developmental aspects. Primarily from the point of view of development, a series of meetings have been held. Some more are being held with the Home Minister on developmental issues. That is what is really needed to consolidate gains by the security forces, particularly by the Army.

Q: How do you react to being the Adviser to the state government?

A: It is a very important assignment. We are constantly monitoring activities in all fields. We give a feedback to the Chief Minister and the civil administration. The process is of putting the civil and police administration in the driver’s seat and to make them feel comfortable. Major towns like Srinagar, Anantnag, Baramula, Pulwama, Pattan, Pampore, Bijbehara and Khannabal have been handed over to the police administration. Those left will also be handed over accordingly.

Q: What kind of change has taken place with the installation of an elected government in the state?

A: There is a democratically elected government to meet the aspirations of the people through the civil administration. That is a big change. There is a system to which people have reposed faith. It is for them to look into the problem of the people. We can only chip in. The Army is always for that and the major thing has to be done by the elected government.

Q: Do you think there was more violence this summer than last summer?

A: That is not so and efforts are being made to create such an impression. Last year 850 militants were killed while so far this year only 475 militants have been killed. The Army lost 122 men last year and the figure is at 53 so far this year. There is a free movement of people. A record number of 1.6 lakh pilgrims visited Amarnath shrine this year. Peace and unity Chinar race was taken from Baramula to Srinagar in which 110 boys participated.

Q: What would be the extent of militancy this winter?

A: Since militants have been beaten back in summer, they will make renewed efforts this winter. They may think that our guard is going down but that is not going to be down. This winter there is going to be a string anti-infiltration posture. It will be much easier for us to get them because they will find it difficult to move around in the snow.

Q: Has the number of foreign militants in the valley increased this year?

A: The number of foreign militants killed is larger than last year, which has increased from 121 last year to 128 till October this year. Most of the encounters take place along the Line of Control, or close to it. This is because of strong anti-infiltration measures and a larger number of troops are checking this infiltration. The rate of infiltration has come down drastically. Local support is more or less continuously diminishing. That is why frantic efforts are being made to recruit young boys by coercion, threatening their families or by inducement. Today a tout is paid Rs 10,000 to motivate a boy while these touts got Rs 2,000 to Rs 4,000 last year. That shows the boys’ lack of willingness. We have had very noticeable success in checking this menace. Fiftyfive boys in two groups were rescued and handed over to their parents this year. Smaller groups are also being rescued and we are receiving a great deal of cooperation from their parents.

Q: What are the reasons for more incidents of firing along the state borders?

A: This year there have been more attempts by Pak troop on the borders than last year. This is another factor, which again is a manifestation of the frustration of those who have failed in their designs and carry on a proxy war in Kashmir. They have achieved nothing. Of course, there has been a loss of life of Armymen and civilians on our side. Whatever the number we lost, we have inflicted five to six times more casualties on their soldiers. There has been collateral damage on civilians in their side also. We cannot help it because they keep their guns close to the populated areas.

Q: Going by the views of certain quarters, is there any linkage between the foreign militants in Kashmir and the Taliban?

A: So far there is no evidence whatsoever of Taliban being here, despite the fact that the Hurriyat has welcomed them. On the ground there is no linkage. I think this is just to improve the sagging morale and to revive the militancy that this bogey of Taliban is being raised. In any case there will be no acceptance of Taliban in the progressive, open, enlightened and educated society of Kashmir. When you contrast this society with the backward and economically deprived society of Afghanistan with low literacy level, there is no social acceptance of Taliban here. Here we have political governance and panchayat elections are being held hence there is no scope of Taliban. The Afghanistan scenario cannot be transplanted in Kashmir. This bogey is only to create panic as local support to militancy is vanishing. Today what is happening in Kashmir is that people are not threatened by militancy but by normalcy.

Q: What about the allegations of human rights violations at the hands of security forces in Kashmir?

A: I would rather call these individual acts of criminality, which are given the colour of human rights. There are individual acts of criminality and those found involved are dealt with as per criminal laws in the Army. If a rape case is proved it calls for 10 years imprisonment. Human right is a fashionable word in an attempt to give an impression that an organisation is supporting criminality, which is incorrect. The Army does not condone any criminal act. A number of cases have been investigated and stringent action taken. There has never been attempt to brush it under the carpet.

Q: What is the role of counter-insurgents, the activists supporting Kukka Parray in north and Hilal Hyder in south Kashmir?

A: We need their help and one should look at their positive role, and harness and channelise their energies for constructive purposes. They are nationalists and have picked up arms to fight mercenaries and pro-Pak elements. They have also made sacrifices. Efforts by all quarters should be made to assist their rehabilitation as also utilise their energy to fight militancy. Militancy is reduced but not over as yet. It can play a very useful role by ensuring that young boys who are being forcibly taken away from various areas of the valley for arms training are not taken away. They can also help in guiding us fighting militancy and foreign mercenaries and removing the local support which is available for militants in certain pockets. Undoubtedly, whatever the propaganda against them, soon people will realise their contribution in restoring normalcy. There are bad eggs and we have asked them to get rid of these and raise their image in the eyes of the people.

75 YEARS AGO

The Special Congress

MRS Sarojini Naidu had, until some months ago, until in fact her famous tour in the Punjab which brought her into personal contact with the leaders of the Swaraj Party, been an ardent No-Changer. Today, judging from her speech at the last meeting of the All-India Congress Committee, as summarised by the Associated Press, she seems to have gone completely over to the other side.

A change of sides like this, which is the outcome of a sincere change of opinion, is nothing if not honourable. But in this case it appears to have been partially brought about by the obstinacy and unwisdom of the leader of the No-Change party and his immediate lieutenants.

The latest instance of this obstinacy and unwisdom consists in their making a party question of the venue of the Special Congress.

Mr Rajagopalachari knew very well that the Special Congress, if it was to serve any useful purpose at all, must be a representative gathering and that the only way to make it a representative gathering was to hold it at a central place.

And yet just because he believed that Bombay was the place, he appears to have resolutely opposed the holding of the Congress at any other place.

Did Mr Rajagopalachari really believe that a mandate against Council entry, given by a Special Congress held under such circumstances, would carry any weight either with the Swaraj Party or with the country generally?