P A G E
Tuesday, December 29, 1998
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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Tuesday, December 29, 1998 |
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Today’s
Naval “mutiny”
FOR
LOK SABHA'S FIXED TERM |
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Third
front no longer a force to reckon with
Another
“faux pas” by Khurana
Happy
ever after
Dacoit
in European clothes |
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Today’s Naval “mutiny” AN unseemly war has broken out between the Naval Headquarters (NH) and the Ministry of Defence (MoD) over their respective operational areas. After remaining a spectator, the Defence Minister has at last woken up to the seriousness of the whole affair and has sought the opinion of the Attorney General and the advice of the Prime Minister. The controversy is about the appointment of the deputy to the Chief of Naval Staff (CONS). The rule says that it will be made on the advice of the CONS. The MoD bureaucrats maintain that it is only a recommendation and it can be overturned or ignored. Several retired service officers have interpreted the rule in support of the Navy’s stand. And in the present case, it is essential to go purely by the recommendation and for the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC), the highest forum in the country, to reverse its selection. The ACC plumped for an officer who is not the seniormost, does not get along with the chief, has accused him, in a petition before the Calcutta High Court, of being anti-Sikh, has described his wife a half Muslim (how this is relevant, it is not clear) and questioned a colleague’s patriotism. In any service all these allegations are a taboo, and in the defence services absolutely no-no. When the Navy chief protested and demanded action against the offending officer, he was told that the latter has tendered an apology, but so far the NH has not received a copy of it. It is a different question whether an apology, real or imagined, will erase the effects of making all those charges and thus committing acts of gross indiscipline. Apart from the unseemly
nature of the struggle, there are several disturbing
aspects to the case. The post fell vacant in February,
and normally the selection of the new deputy chief should
have been made in January itself. But political confusion
delayed it but it was not until recently that the ACC
found time to do the job and promptly sparked a tussle.
How did the MoD recommend an officer who is a sharp
critic of his own boss and who is not acceptable to the
CONS? The number two will be totally in charge of naval
operations in case of war and it is not difficult to
imagine the atmosphere in the Navy if the top two are
themselves warring. Obviously someone in the MoD is
interested in promoting the case of this particular
officer and has prepared a note skilfully concealing
vital facts. If this is true, the claim that the MoD,
which prepares the final list of candidates for
promotion, is infallible and can overrule the NH is
dubious. Frankly, the time has come to finally and firmly
draw the respective jurisdiction of the NH and the MoD,
preferably by pruning the powers the latter has usurped
over the years, reducing the headquarters of the three
wings of the armed forces to the status of a sub-post
office. A man in the uniform feels he has only one
identity, a soldier, and that is entirely due to the
impeccable traditions of the defence forces. That should
be maintained but this cannot be done if the MoD bosses
over everyone. As it is, many officers from the Services
go to courts to air their grievances and seek redressal.
That is bad enough; what is unfolding now is alarming. |
Sick democracy in Pakistan THE Opposition in Pakistan is up in arms against the passage of a Bill by the National Assembly (parliament) allowing the government to make appointments for higher posts without seeking the consent of the President. These “higher posts” include those of the judges of the Supreme Court and the high courts. Going by the record of the Nawaz Sharif government, one can understand the charge that the intentions behind the move are “bad”. But one cannot agree with the view that the enactment of the new law is “a negative reflection on the democratic system”. In a democracy, the Head of State is supposed to be just a figurehead, discharging certain constitutional obligations which have nothing to do with the running of the government. Therefore, it is good if the President of Pakistan will no longer be required to give his consent for higher-level appointments, and the government will be free to take its own decisions independently. This, however, does not mean that there should be no check on the government to reward its favourites. The latest measure, like the earlier one to withdraw the powers from the President to dismiss a democratically elected government, may lead to the strengthening of democracy in Pakistan, where it was born hardly a decade ago. Of course, Mr Nawaz Sharif is no great democrat, and most of the major decisions he has taken might have been aimed at securing his own position as Head of Government. But sometimes even such decisions go to benefit a cause, though unintentionally. The nascent democracy in
Pakistan is being trampled on in a different manner. This
is through the use of the army for what are known as
civilian tasks. The Nawaz Sharif government has assigned
the army the duties of not only managing the Water and
Power Development Authority or setting up its own courts
to try civilian cases in Karachi, but also manning the
Lahore-Islamabad motorway and detecting what are called
“ghost” schools in Punjab. There is also the
possibility of allowing the army to take over the
country’s railway network on the pretext of turning
it into a profit-making organisation. To cap it all,
these major decisions have been taken without any debate
in the Pakistan National Assembly. If the government
loses its faith in civilian institutions, and starts
depending on the army to find solutions to the problems
which could have been done otherwise, it is a clear sign
of the democratic system suffering from some serious
illness. It may also be interpreted as a suicidal
tendency, as it is a clear invitation to the army to take
over the administration as and when it deems fit. (It is
a different matter that very few people in Pakistan dread
the rule of the armed forces, as they have experienced it
for decades.) There have been only muted protests from
certain quarters. This is not enough. There should have
been louder protests than what the international
community is witnessing today on the issue of the
President’s powers. But, maybe, it is because of the
fear of the army that politicians and others have been
nearly silent spectators to the destruction of the
civilian institutions by the Nawaz Sharif government.
This bodes ill for democracy in India’s immediate
neighbourhood. |
Delhi is choking DELHI has fully earned the dubious distinction of being one of the dirtiest cities in the world. It is also among the most polluted. Things are so bad that even the government has woken up to the need for doing something about it. But as always, it has only made the motions of a flurry of activity to combat pollution, which look impressive on paper but may not succeed in bringing about much change on the ground. For one thing, it has decided to ensure that there is no burning of leaves or other garbage. Second, the government proposes to make certain congested areas like Chandni Chowk and Connaught Place in the national capital as “traffic-free” zones where battery operated buses will replace smoke-spewing vehicles. The Municipal Corporation of Delhi has also decided to accept only biodegradable waste from households. The non-biodegradable stuff like glass, plastic and metallic pieces will have to be disposed of with the local ragpickers’ help. Let us take these measures step by step. The burning of leaves is indeed a major source of particulate matter in the atmosphere. But the government itself has been responsible for it, considering that the official safai karamcharis have been getting rid of most of the garbage only by burning. A ban is already in place but the government has not been able to enforce it, with the result that every morning one can see garbage being burnt at various places. What steps has the government proposed to ensure that the adamant safai karamcharis do fall in line? One hopes that one of the options given to them is not to push these in underground sewerage pipes quietly. In fact, quite a few have been already using this quick method of disposal. The proposal to run battery operated vehicles is nothing new. It was tried out in Chandni Chowk but proved to be a dismal failure. When these buses could not take the load of the populace even when ordinary buses were freely plying, how can one expect these to cater to the millions of people when the ordinary buses and taxis are banned in Chandni Chowk and Connaught Place? In fact, the ban may make people burn more petrol and diesel while taking a detour, thereby adding to the pollution. The brainwave may end up congesting more roads in the neighbourhood of Chandni Chowk and Connaught Place. Nor can the pollution be controlled in a piecemeal fashion. As far as the MCD order is concerned, it presupposes the existence of a dependable door-to-door garbage collection system, which is actually not there. The system of hooter-fitted trucks accepting garbage from various colonies has come in for a lot of criticism because not only is the service erratic, the truck drivers give little time to the residents to come and deposit the garbage. That is why the police and the environment officials are themselves skeptical about the scheme announced with much fanfare by the Delhi Chief Minister, Mrs Sheila Dikshit, and the Union Environment Minister, Mr Suresh Prabhu. Delhi is suffering because
it is one of the few metropolises of the world that have
no mass rapid transport system worth the name. If more
than 29 lakh registered and more than 12 lakh
unregistered vehicles ply on Delhi roads, it is not
because the owners have money to burn. It is only because
the people know that there is no other way to reach their
destination on time. Even when half-hearted attempts are
made to introduce underground railways etc, our
self-styled environmentalists come up with a million
objections. Yes, an underground railway will cause many
problems, but those will be nothing in comparison to the
pollution that Delhi is facing today. Criticising them is
like saying that since an injection causes pain, it
should not be administered to anybody even if he or she
is suffering from a serious disease. |
FOR LOK SABHA'S FIXED TERM HAVING been mauled in the recent assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Bharatiya Janata Party has felt the need for a constitutional or legislative mechanism to ensure a full five year term to Parliament. Clearly, the attempt is to buy time so that the party can rehabilitate itself in the eyes of the voters before facing the next parliamentary elections and to continue to be in power at the Centre by playing on the fears, especially of the minor parties, of facing a mid-term poll. As a political ploy, the move is unlikely to work for the simple reason that the Congress is on the comeback trail and senses better things to come in the next election. It would like to talk, or rule, from a position of strength, rather than depend on other parties for support and be blackmailed by them, as is the lot of the BJP now. An opinion poll conducted by a weekly has shown that were elections to be held in the near future, the Congress and its allies would secure over 300 seats. Why should then the party agree to the BJP’s proposal? There is nothing to indicate yet that the clout and the popularity of the regional parties has really waned. However, it is clear that the voters are getting fed up with coalitions, and would, if possible, opt for a stable and truly functioning government. At present the Congress is in a position to benefit from this mood. The BJP has the RSS to contend with. There are the Vajpayee and Advani camps which are believed to be pulling in different directions. Mr Shatrughan Sinha articulated this tellingly when he spoke on TV of his being excluded from the Vajpayee Cabinet simply because he was close to Mr L.K. Advani. As against this, Mrs Sonia Gandhi has shown that, at present, she is in full command. The Congress culture, as well as the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, has ensured this. She may imitate her mother-in-law in mannerism, but her comparative ignorance is proving to her advantage. In order to appreciate the two sides of any picture, she allows various points of view to be expressed and then gives her ruling. She pulls up even senior leaders like Mr Pranab Mookerjee and Dr Manmohan Singh in bending backwards to support the Patents Bill, and decides what the party strategy should be at a given point of time. She is proving to be flexible too and decides, according to the occasion, keeping in mind what is advantageous for the party. Mr Vajpayee has faltered in his brave attempt to be his own master. The Insurance Bill will be referred to a committee, whether standing or select remains to be seen. Even though the Patents Bill was passed, with the Congress help after an amendment forced by it, in the Rajya Sabha after Mr Kapil Sibal and Mr Arun Shourie spoke eloquently in favour of it, the government developed cold feet, reportedly because the RSS put its foot down. Hence the contrived attempt, it is said by the government, to give preference to the introduction of the Vananchal Bill, and not mentioning the Patents Bill in the additional circulation of the business list for the day. Hence the unprecedented drama of the singing of Vande Mataram, which signalled the end of the session, while the RJD members were protesting against the Vananchal Bill by entering the well of the Lok Sabha. The BJP explanation was that the Rajya Sabha had amended the Patents Bill and hence it required the fresh signature of the President before it could be introduced in the Lok Sabha. The government gave the impression that the Bill was sent to the President for his signature but it was received late. However, Rashtrapati Bhavan stated that it had not received the Bill. The government then tried to blame the Congress for the non-introduction of the Bill. Such clumsiness can hardly go down well with the public. Now the Budget session is proposed to be advanced by a week so that the April deadline put by the WTO is met. Meanwhile, the Prime Minister is busy placating the RSS. To come to the main point of the article, it would not at all suit the Congress to agree to a fixed term for the Lok Sabha, with Mr Vajpayee still as the Prime Minister. The BJP case is that should the saffron party get reduced to a minority, the President can ask the Lok Sabha to choose its own leader. The idea is hardly new. Some constitutional experts have suggested in the past that, in the event of no party or alliance being returned with a majority, the President should send a message to elect its own leader. The fear of the dissolution of Parliament itself will work as an incentive for a broad agreement of sorts on who the Prime Minister should be, and whether the office should be rotational. For such a course an amendment of the Constitution is not needed. All that the Constitution requires is that “There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President, who shall, in the exercise of his functions, act in accordance with such advice. The Constitution does not spell out how the President is to select his Prime Minister. However, if a party or alliance has a clear majority in the Lok Sabha, the leader of that parliamentary party, or its nominee, has to be invited to form the government. Otherwise the President has the discretion to chose who to invite first to try to form the government. Here the single largest party or an alliance formed before the elections has to be given preference. But since the Presidents in the past have been criticised for the choices they made, some experts came out with the suggestion that rather than face a controversy, the President had better send a message to the House to elect its own leader. The Constitution does give the President the right to address either House of Parliament and to send message to either House with respect to a Bill pending in Parliament or otherwise, and a House to which any such message has been sent “shall with all convenient despatch consider any matter required by the message to be taken into consideration”. Thus it is clear that the President’s message need not be confined to anything concerning a Bill only. Another suggestion thrown
up by the experts is that the country should adopt the
German practice of naming a successor before the Prime
Minister (the Chancellor in the case of the Germans) is
removed. However, this would require a constitutional
amendment. |
Politics: wanted a feminist approach EVEN after 50 years of Independence the women who enter politics in India do so more on account of the push and support of the male members of their families or close compatriots than because of their individual qualities, or even as a first personal choice. It is universally true that less women than men have a natural urge to adopt politics as a profession. The biological factor, or that they do not possess the required muscular strength for the rough and tumble of politics, is only a weak explanation. It is largely because the involvement in politics, as is believed, requires a capability to manoeuvre and manipulate things — a deceitful and crafty conduct which women impulsively reject as an inferior quality in human nature. This argument is again debatable, for women politicians everywhere in the world cannot be stated to have made it to the top relying primarily on the debased aspects of human nature. Nevertheless in India, politics has acquired such a sinister image that if a poll is conducted, this is likely to be the perception of an overwhelmingly large number of people. This is one reason why India has a much less number of women political leaders than other democracies. Most of our women politicians are reluctant entrants, and are there to continue the legacy of their father, husband, or father-in-law. They are favoured in order to encash on a sympathy wave that ensures from the demise of their father, husband or father-in-law. However, this category of women cannot be described as political leaders, nor are they political novices. Indeed, they have watched the great game of politics from very close quarters and witnessed quite a few political intrigues very indulgently. In that sense they are the carriers of a tradition which they have inherited. Another category of women leaders comprises those who have been propped up by their god-fathers, who are there to provide a constant support and render assistance whenever there is some challenging situation. In either case, therefore, the process of political socialisation of women is not fully autonomous, and of their own volition. That these leaders subsequently also may seek some kind of support in order to survive, flourish and succeed may not be altogether an untrue proposition. Largely, it is these two categories of women leaders that we have in the country today. Those who have adopted politics basically on their own and because of their individual qualities are very few in number. They are, therefore, unable to create a political identity of their own. Even if they do so, it takes a long time. In terms of their performance also they are evaluated from their lineage. Thus Indira Gandhi in her early years of Prime Ministership was adjudged as daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru. It took almost a decade before she could establish herself as a political leader in her own right. Mrs Sonia Gandhi too has been considered a legitimate choice for the Congress leadership more because she is the widow of Rajiv Gandhi than anything else. Even in the case of Rajiv Gandhi his positive image was based on the parallels drawn between him and his maternal grandfather. In a situation like this, therefore, it is very natural that women activists have a male role model set before them to be imitated and followed. Consciously and unconsciously, they try to imbibe traits and pursue a style identified with their patriarchs. That is why women political leaders and legislators cannot be stated to have left a mark considered distinct. Nor have they been successful in liberating Indian politics from the sinister image which it has come to acquire since Independence. That there is such a thing called a feminist approach to politics does not hold validity in the Indian context. The advocates of this approach have argued that since women by nature are less aggressive and are motivated by the instincts of compassion, love and kindness, politics under their command and leadership will reflect the finer and nobler aspects of human nature. At the global level, for example, their contention is that humanity will experience more of harmony and peace than conflictual politics. This, however, is possible only when women are set to steer a course and pattern other than the one set by a male-oriented leadership. If they are as corrupt, selfish, dishonest and deceitful, they are unlikely to reform the existing scene. As such, even after 33 per cent reservation of seats in the legislatures is implemented, women legislators are unlikely to make much difference as far as the general tone and tenor of politics is concerned. A feminist approach to politics is debatable, but it is worth giving a fair trial. The author is a former
professor of political science, Punjabi University,
Patiala. |
Happy
ever after THE scene is set in the Aravalis. Dramatis personae are the nomads. Typically tribal in character, with their livestock, carts, tents and blacksmiths’ paraphernalia, they are on the move with their hounds with salivating tongues and supplant ears. One marriage party starts from Madhopur and the other from Mohindergarh. The meeting point has not been decided either by the bride’s side or her fiance’s. The only understanding is at “whatever place” both parties meet would be the venue of solemnising the marriage. They meet at Balana, almost a glen with the rocky silhouettes sheltering an expanse of sloping sands. Sounds of drums, boisterous laughter, shrieking exuberance, chasing and catching, hugging and shouting heralds the meeting. No greetings are exchanged, no rituals of welcoming are observed, not even a “how-do-you do” ensues. Everybody seems to be not only knowing each other but also being very familiar. Maybe the tribals’ ways are not too difficult to understand. And for understanding the fellow tribal? Not the least. The prospective bridegroom is not at all a special person nor is the would-be-bride. They too are revelling with others consuming bowlfuls of liquor contained in a saucer-shaped cauldron placed right at the centre when the merry-makers are dancing in all that rusticity which even the best of choreographers would need conscious efforts to learn and master. The celebrations enter into the ambrosial hours with a little lull and fading out of the spirits. Close to the dawn, the marriage is “believed” to have been performed. The only dowry article is a cart given to the couple. By noontime, the following day, everybody has dispersed except the newly-wed. They are seen eating something sitting in the shade of the cart. Both are unaware of their surroundings. By no standards (of sobriety ?) they seem to be making love with each other, for their gestures include pinching, flexing each others’ muscles, trying to loosen the grip, particularly the fists. All this goes on in full view of the onlookers with the couple ignoring (not at all consciously) their gaze but enjoying every bit of their real marital bliss. Night falls and the following morning one can presume the marriage having been consummated. The couple leaves the place. All that remains on the ground is the wheel marks of the cart, small iron pieces, while the husband very dextrously might have rolled the red hot iron, with his wife shaping it on the anvil, with a sledge hammer, moving both her arms in a circular motion, with equal strength. The cycle moves on. Why do the so-called
civilised couples part their ways despite all those
ceremonies, arrangements and understanding? |
Third front no longer a force to reckon with
FOR India, 1998 fades out under the shadow of a highly fluid political matrix. The winter session has not only exposed the Vajpayee Government’s ineptitude in handling even routine legislative business but also the inability to present a united image. A vertically divided parivar, grudging posture of the anti-sellout lobby among the BJP MPs and disharmony among the allies made a hapless Prime Minister seek Congress help to bail the government out of the daily crises on the floor of the two Houses. Every issue during the year-end session revealed the total disarray in the entire political spectrum — both among the BJP allies and the Opposition. The deals between the MNC “worshippers” (videshi bhagats as known at Jhandewalan) among the BJP and the Congress, the tension within the BJP, the schism between the Left and others and within their own front on Vananchal issue and the varying postures by the BJP allies on different issues — all this depicted a curious spectacle in Parliament. Far from being an expression of the routine power struggle, this amply illustrates the conflict of interests and diversity of expectations of the support base of the respective political outfits. The implications are quite obvious for all those who dream of heralding a two-party system based on one-party rule. In a vast country like India, problems are so innumerable and diverse. All those issues, desires, conflicts and aspirations of the different sections cannot be fitted into just two strait-jacket outfits. Every smaller party, whether part of the third front or on the BJP side, has its own support base and logic of survival. This is due to the existence of space for more parties representing different social, cultural, regional and economic interests. Kanshi Ram’s vote percentage may or may not go down in a particular election. But the Congress cannot assume the former’s role of reasserting the Dalit’s self-respect so long as the present caste structure persists. He might not have done anything substantially for their uplift. But he gave them the courage to stand up to those who had prevented them from casting their votes. Few other parties can do so without alienating themselves from the Dalit tormentors in the north. Those who lampoon Laloo Prasad Yadav or Mulayam Singh Yadav as being casteist are blissfully ignorant of the dynamics that work in a backward society undergoing transformation. Three factors are being cited as reasons for the elimination of the third front. By the same token, the proponents of the elimination theory invariably bracket all smaller regional outfits in this category. First, it is argued that the Congress sweep in the recent elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi indicated the rout of the third force. As explained in these columns, the third force parties never had any serious electoral presence in these states. By the same token, it is also presumptuous to say that the minorities would henceforth move en bloc over to the Congress. Only empirical evidence from states like UP and Bihar where a viable third alternative exists, can conclusively establish this fact. More than this, the third parties had taken root and flourished at time when the Congress under Indira Gandhi had established total sway over almost the entire country. Thus a Congress revival in some of its old strongholds does not necessarily mean the collapse of the third parties. The second factor being cited is Sonia Gandhi’s appeal to Congress workers at the AICC session to try for a ‘stable government of our own’ at the Centre and special efforts to rejuvenate the organisation in UP, Bihar, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. A closer look will show that she had merely reiterated almost verbatim what contained (paras 7 & 11) in the Pachmarhi declaration. No doubt, the four states constitute the main strongholds of the third force where the Congress is in a deplorable position due to a variety of reasons. Even a “rejuvenation” in the last two states essentially means only restoration of the space lost to its own splinter groups like the Trinamool Congress and TMC. Elsewhere, though a clash between the respective third force party and the Congress looks inevitable, it is going to be a long haul for the Congress in both places. Third, some observers seem to hastily conclude that the Congress-BJP deal on a couple of issues in the winter session would set the future pattern of two-party domination. From all accounts, this has been a Congress strategy limited to certain issues with the purpose of projecting a gentleman image for itself. And it seems to have achieved some success by proclaiming repeatedly that despite its “constructive cooperation”, the Vajpayee Government had failed to do any important legislative business. This strategic support aimed at accentuating the BJP crisis apart, any “political deal” between the main ruling party and main opposition will only tend to strengthen the continued relevance of the third parties. Watch the survival instinct and sense of self-preservation displayed by the myriad political outfits in the aftermath of the Congress victory over the BJP last month. Their apparent endeavour has been to carefully fine-tune themselves both to dissociate from the BJP Government’s clumsy performance and equip themselves to meet the emerging Congress challenge. This is crucial for them because being more dominant than the BJP in their respective region, the onus of countering the Congress is bound to fall on them. In the beginning, the BJP strategists had calculated that at least some of the tiny allies would assimilate themselves in their party provided they are handled with care and caution. The BJP has been able to carry with them several individuals like K.S. Hegde, Jethmalani, Yashwant Sinha and Sushma Swaraj from Janata parivar. This has been one of the factors that had encouraged it to align with the Shiv Sena. Now every outfit is keen on maintaining its own identity which will help them set better political bargain in future. It is always more profitable to be the big boss of a small party than a small fry in a big outfit. If former socialists like Asoka Mehta had gone over to the Congress in ’60s, it has been a homecoming for them in a changed atmosphere. In any case, merger is not on the agenda of any regional party. Even Mamata Banerjee and G.K. Moopanar find it difficult to surrender their position as the supreme bosses of their respective outfits. Instead, they find it more advantageous to strike a better bargain with the all-India parties for power-sharing. Moreover, there are so many practical problems in getting the right kind of accommodation for their colleagues in the event of a merger. More parties mean more tickets and more posts right from the civic bodies up to the Lok Sabha. Such pragmatism overrides most other factors. The thesis that the people at large always desire the rule of a national party at the Centre still remains a matter of conjuncture. Every election since 1985 has disproved this presumption. Instead, there is enough reason to conclude that the voters, political workers and the interest groups are more concerned about hoisting a viable regional outfit which will be more responsive and accessible to them in states. In the normal course, there are very few day-to-day demands that call for action from the Centre. Much of the grievances could be met at the local level. Power brokers and ticket seekers prefer to get things done at Patna, Chennai or Hyderabad rather than going to 10 Janpath or 12 Ashok Road in Delhi through Fotedars and Govindacharyas. The most likely future scenario will be a multi-party arrangement at the Centre and the continuance of the predominantly two-party system in most states. This is not contradictory. For, the latter inevitably leads to the former, given the electoral behaviour of preferring the same combination in civic, assembly and Lok Sabha elections, if held within a reasonable time frame. A virtual two-party system with relatively marginal role for third and fourth parties already exists in a large number of states. While an effective Congress-BJP confrontation prevails in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi, the former and the non-BJP outfits come face to face in Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Orissa and Kerala. The Congress has been pushed to a poor third or fourth position in Bihar, UP, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, altogether accounting for nearly 220 seats in the Lok Sabha. Barring UP, in all such states, the contest is between the regional parties or parties confined to a few states. In other words, the third party — not necessarily the third front — presence is predominant in at least eight states. This alone works as a constraint to the emergence of a regular two-party arrangement at the Centre. In this regard, we are experiencing the same global paradox of the communication revolution leading to further fragmentation. The world over, the post-cold war spread of satellite communication and Internet have produced more isolation and regional conflicts. It is likely that the
character and spread of the third front parties and third
parties outside the third front may undergo a
metamorphosis in due course. In the past one decade,
several outfits belonging to the Janata parivar have
become virtually extinct and their ranks come under the
control of more powerful leaders. With this, their
character and hierarchy underwent qualitative changes.
Traditional Janata-style freewheeling by the
irrepressible socialist genre have given way to obedient
sycophants under Laloo Prasad Yadav or Mulayam Singh
Yadav. But their role as a challenge to the Congress or
BJP has not diminished. On the contrary, they have become
a more formidable adversary because one-leader hegemony
inhibits the chances perpetual Janata-style internal
dissentions. |
Another “faux pas” by Khurana THERE is little doubt that Union Parliamentary Affairs Minister Madan Lal Khurana takes the maximum pounding. Mr Khurana, who has a penchant for holding Press conferences, has many a time committed a “faux pas” which has resulted not only in embarrassment to the government but also to the BJP. During the just-concluded winter session of Parliament, Mr Khurana ended in retracting on at least two occasions, the prominent among them being the reversal on the Insurance Regulatory Authority Bill and the Patents Bill. Recently Mr Khurana while sharing his feelings for the battering he takes, told a group of reporters, that it is all right for the media to witness the proceedings from the gallery above and comment. He likened the performance to that of a player on the field and the media as those watching the game from the sidelines: “Only the person in the middle knows what he is facing’’. Well sports persons have a terminology for such commentators: armchair critics. Unpleasant start The External Affairs Minister, Mr Jaswant Singh, who is trusted by the Prime Minister for resolving both domestic and international rows, was greeted by a controversy of a different kind when he addressed his first press conference after taking up his new assignment. The problem began when a scribe refused to follow established norms and insisted that he be allowed to ask a question to the Minister without the consent of the official spokesman of the Ministry. He refused to heed to the spokesman’s request to use a mike and identify himself before asking the question. When the spokesman objected that this was not the proper way to ask questions, the journalist retorted by saying that the spokesman could not dictate to him. With Mr Jaswant Singh preferring to keep quiet the spokesman was forced to take a tough stand and sternly told the scribe that he too could not dictate to him. The veteran journalist finally decided not to ask the question and Mr Singh continued with his conference. Asiad winners and ceremonies It is the typical response of otherwise unresponsive sports administrators of the country: When the going is good everyone joins the bandwagon otherwise look for scapegoats. This was the manner in which the recent winners of the Asian Games were subjected to. Having received a cold reception at Mumbai where the flight was diverted due to fog in Delhi, the victorious contingent was rushed from one function to another after their delayed arrival in the national capital. In a matter of a few hours, the players had to attend three functions, one each by the Union Human Resource Ministry, under which the Department of Sports comes, the Railways for its medal-winning sports persons and then by the Indian Olympic Association — all this on December 23. After a long night, the next day was equally hectic. It started with a reception at the Prime Minister’s residence followed by one by the Indian Hockey Federation for its team which brought the Asiad title home after 32 years. While no one denies the deserving sports persons getting their due for the honour and glory they brought to the country, what takes the cake is the swift manner in which the ubiquitous officials swarm the ceremonials and live in reflected glory. Perhaps the best word of understanding of the sports persons plight came from the Prime Minister who reportedly remarked to the hockey team that while they may have played for the country he too was in his college squad. Only a sportsman can understand the feelings of another. Phatphat Sewa After Thailand’s famous Tuk Tuk transport service, New Delhi has come with its own Phatphat Sewa, operating on the same routes as was being taken earlier by the historical Harley Davidson and Indian motorcycles converts, popularly known as Phatphati. After the Delhi government took the decision on the directive from the Supreme Court to phase out the Harley Davidson and Indian motorcycles converts, their place has now been taken by bright maroon coloured Mahindra Armada jeeps. Traversing the distance between Connaught Place and Old Delhi areas, these jeeps provide the same service to the commuters as was being provided earlier by the old mobikes. Being operated by the same group of drivers who were earlier running old mobikes, the jeeps now carry larger number of commuters and apparently also are providing better occupation to the drivers, who were once facing the dilemma of sitting at home with no work. And above all the Phatphat Sewa is the pick in the crowd of vehicles, shimmering away on their traditional route. In keeping the name Phatphat Sewa, these drivers have also managed to retain the old glory. (Contributed by
K.V. Prasad, T.V. Lakshminarayan, Girja Shankar Kaura and
P.N. Andley) |
Dacoit
in European clothes A RAE Bareili message reports that a daring dacoity took place in Rae Bareili district on the 25th instant. A notorious dacoit of Barabanki district with his gang of about 15 is reported to have committed dacoity in Bainti Bazar, a place about 30 miles from Rae Bareili. He came on horse back armed with a gun and dressed in European costume. He began by snatching a purse by force from the sarraff, and on resistance being offered he broke his head. He and his followers then looted other sarraffs and shops of cloth in the bazar. The whole bazar was in terror, and none dared to offer resistance to armed dacoits. When pursued by some
persons, including police chawkidars, they opened fire
and absconded. |
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