Rahul’s yatra ticking all the right boxes
Amid the all-pervading instrumental politics and associated culture of decadence, it is not easy to keep one’s hope alive. Instead, it is easy to normalise the prevalent pathology — reduction of politics to a mere election-winning machinery, popularisation of non-reflexive/non-argumentative violent gestures as the language of ‘pragmatic’ politics, erosion of the democratic ethos of dialogue and debate, continual stimulation of gross emotions centred on caste and religion — and lose the critical faculty to question the political bosses.
Yet, this sense of fatalism seems to be life-killing. And hence, as a therapeutic act, it is important to reimagine a new kind of politics, and strive for it. Hence, some of us are curious to see whether in the process of Bharat Jodo Yatra, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi is trying to create a new idiom of politics?
We cannot respond to this question honestly unless we are clear about the parameters of a new redemptive politics. In this context, I wish to stress on three aspects of this politics. First, emancipatory politics is essentially a movement with a higher goal of democratising the larger society with the spirit of distributive justice and human dignity. Hence, it is not just about the instant goal of winning the elections at any cost; it is about the courage to exist without the aura of power and privilege, and continue the movement for collective emancipation. To use Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s words, it is a kind of sadhana. Second, it is dialogic. Because it is only through compassionate listening — listening to the voices of the poor and marginalised, creative artists and young students, or women and minorities — a political movement can become truly democratic and participatory. It is a shift — from the narcissism of the authoritarian leader to the voices of people. And third, in a country like ours, this politics ought to have a civilisational vision of the thread of unity amid heightened plurality, heterogeneity and cultural differences. In other words, it has to see beyond the monolithic discourse of ‘Indianness’ — the kind of ‘nationalism’ that tends to move towards majoritarianism. It ought to assert the importance of shared secular concerns such as health, education, employment, shelter and democratic rights.
The question is whether it is possible to equate the Bharat Jodo Yatra with this kind of emancipatory politics. Well, it is tempting to be cynical, and negate the significance of what Rahul and his associates are undertaking. This yatra, it may be argued, cannot defeat the mighty BJP in the elections nor can it reduce Modi’s mind-boggling popularity. Moreover, the cynics might add that it is nothing beyond the internal affair of the Indian National Congress — an attempt to regenerate this demoralised party, and package Rahul as a new saviour.
However, if we dare to resist this trap of cynicism, it is not altogether impossible to see some freshness, or some possibility in this yatra. First, instead of being preoccupied with instant results, it is emerging — slowly, but steadily — as a movement. No wonder, far from remaining a purely Congress-centric phenomenon, it is becoming a confluence of people: civil rights activists, filmmakers, artists, intellectuals and above all, ordinary/unknown masses. Second, the gestures of this movement are refreshingly different from the toxic political culture we are otherwise used to. For instance, Rahul’s body language and rhythm defy the logic of hyper-masculine aggression. Instead, with his dialogic spirit, he seems to be embracing everybody — old village women, schoolchildren, a creative theatre/film personality like Amol Palekar, or a committed social activist/environmentalist like Medha Patkar. And newspaper/television journalists must be somewhat surprised that here is someone who doesn’t escape from free floating press conferences. He does not look like the ‘greater than life’ messiah, who loves his own monologue.
Rahul appears to be ordinary, soft and composed — yet, deeply critical of the ruling regime. For instance, he is bold enough to speak of the close association between two major corporate houses and the establishment. And third, his idea of India is inclusive — refreshingly different from the discourse of militant Hindu nationalism or Hindutva. At a time when even the electoral opponents of the BJP choose to remain diplomatically silent about the Hindutva project, Rahul is not hesitating from evolving a sharp ideological critique of, say, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and his contemporary followers.
With this critique (it may annoy the ‘Hindu’ vote bank — the loyal followers of the Sangh Parivar), the yatra is possibly conveying the message of inclusive civic nationalism, and seeing beyond the mathematics of electoral calculation in these toxic times. In a way, as optimists would like to believe, the yatra is indicating the possibility of a new awakening — a movement for liberating India from the divisive politics of hatred and exclusion.
Yet, there are two concerns that cannot be denied. First, will it be possible for Rahul to retain the same spirit even after the completion of this long walk — the art of merging with ordinary people, articulating their stories of pain and longing, and redefining the agenda of politics? Will he be able to sustain his enthusiasm if there is no immediate electoral gain? In fact, this requires immense patience — the courage to remain determined in difficult times. And second, will he succeed in changing the Indian National Congress — a party that seems to have lost the Gandhian tradition of mass mobilisation and people’s movement? Or, is there a danger that the conservative elements within the Congress establishment will begin to object to his somewhat ‘left of centre’/progressive orientation?
