Won’t ally with the BJP even if it means staying out of power: Omar Abdullah
Ahead of the first phase of polling to Jammu and Kashmir assembly on September 18, being held after a gap of 10 years, the National Conference leader and former CM, Omar Abdullah has accused separatist-turned-political leaders of being proxies for the BJP to target his party. In an exclusive interview to the Tribune Editor-in-Chief Jyoti Malhotra, Omar said won’t enter into an alliance with the BJP even if it meant staying out of power.
Q. How’s the assembly election campaign progressing for you and your party in Srinagar?
A. With the caveat that polling hasn’t begun yet, things are going well so far. The public response has been encouraging.
Q. Just encouraging?
A. Yes, encouraging. I do not want to overplay things, and encouraging is surely better than discouraging.
Q. You suffered a defeat in the Baramulla Lok Sabha election. Were you surprised?
A. Yes.
Q. Disappointed?
A. Deeply.
Q. Dismayed?
A. No, I think dismayed is too strong a term. Definitely disappointed, and surprised. Maybe not as surprised, because I could see the tempo building up in the Engineer Rashid campaign towards the end. The only thing that took me by surprise was the margin of defeat. Everyone around me expected a narrow victory, even after voting had taken place.
Q. It was a huge surprise?
A. Yes, I think people missed the Engineer Rashid wave in the Parliament and are now overcompensating, seeing a wave that may not exist.
Q. Why do you think he was released in the first place?
A. Your guess is as good as mine. It’s rare to get bail under UAPA, especially when others can’t even get a Supreme Court date. He’s either extremely lucky or has influential godfathers.
Q. It is unusual, but couldn’t we say the judiciary wants people to get out, especially since he’s a sitting MP?
A. If that were the case, then others like Arvind Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, Hemant Soren, and the former Telangana CM’s daughter shouldn’t have been arrested. Being an elected representative doesn’t disqualify you from arrest.
Q. Let’s play devil’s advocate. If he has a godfather, what’s the impact of the sitting MP of Baramulla?
A. We’ll have to wait and see. The Engineer Rashid wave in Baramulla parliamentary elections gained momentum late. We haven’t entered campaigning in North Kashmir yet, and in South Kashmir, we haven’t seen evidence of that wave. But Baramulla might be different since he was elected with a reasonable margin. We’ll assess once he starts campaigning there.
Q. How would you describe this election, taking place after a 10-year gap?
A. The 10-year gap is only one aspect of this election’s significance. Notably, over 6 years have been under direct central rule. Moreover, this is our first election as a Union Territory, without our colleagues in Ladakh, and after delimitation, which has gerrymandered constituencies in Jammu to favour BJP. From every angle, this election is unprecedented. While sharing some similarities with past elections, a common thread is the desire to take down the National Conference, with everyone from the Prime Minister to Jamaat, Engineer Rashid, and others targeting us.
Q. Why do you think?
A. Your guess is as good as mine. I guess they don’t like us for whatever reason.
Q. They think you’re the main challenger?
A. Probably. Looking at the recent Parliament elections, despite surrendering two seats to the Congress and losing Baramulla, where we retained only 3 out of 18 assembly segments, we still emerged as the single largest party when broken down into assembly segments. This might explain why everyone is interested in taking us down.
Q. It seems to me that the National Conference-Congress coalition is struggling in Jammu, particularly since the Congress lacks candidates.
A. I think it’s premature to assess our coalition’s performance in Jammu. The areas you visited will poll in the third phase on October 1. With central Congress leaders like Rahul, Priyanka, and others yet to campaign there, I expect momentum to build. Once they arrive, I’m confident the Congress will gain traction.
Q. So, it seems the National Conference is focusing on the Valley, while the Congress is targeting Jammu.
A. Essentially, yes. The Congress is primarily focused on Jammu, while the National Conference is concentrated in the Valley. We’ve divided the mountainous regions, Pir Panjal and Chenab Valley, between us. However, we couldn’t agree on a handful of seats, resulting in friendly contests in some areas and, admittedly, less-than-friendly contests in others.
Q. Which one is that?
A. Banihal. The guy’s been an idiot, but that’s fine.
Q. So why are you contesting from two seats?
A. Well, initially, I wasn’t going to contest at all.
Q. Why did you change your mind?
A. I’ve been receiving inquiries from individuals wiser than me, via email and WhatsApp. They’re asking: “Assuming you don’t contest, do you think this upcoming assembly will lead to significant improvements?”
Q. Why didn’t you want to fight?
A. Much of it stems from the events of 2019 and thereafter. Additionally, having served as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, I found it difficult to accept the transition to a Union Territory and participate in its power structure.
People posed a valid question: “If this assembly isn’t good enough for you, why should we vote for it?” Honestly, I hadn’t considered it from that perspective. Initially, my decision was driven by selfish point of view that I didn’t want to be part of it. However, when viewed in a broader context, I realised that if I wasn’t willing to participate, I couldn’t expect others to. They asked, “If it’s not good enough for you, why is it good enough for us?” I had no answer. That’s when I acknowledged my mistake and decided to re-evaluate.
Q. And why two seats?
A. The second seat was largely due to the Sarjan Barkati factor.
Q. What about the Jamaat-backed Independent candidate?
A. Engineer Rashid contested against me in Baramulla in 2019, which wasn’t surprising given his prior experience as an MLA from North Kashmir. However, Sarjan Barkati’s actions raised suspicions. His nomination papers were rejected in his home constituency, Shopian district, in the first phase. Suddenly, he announced his candidacy against me in Ganderbal, despite having no apparent connection to the area. I, on the other hand, have a deep connection to Ganderbal, being the third generation of my family to represent it. I discussed this with colleagues and suspected a deliberate attempt to replicate the Baramulla strategy, using jailed candidates to target me. To test this theory, I decided to contest two seats without announcing the second one. The National Conference kept 2 to 3 seats vague until the last minute. I filed nominations for Budgam and Birwa, having previously represented Beerwah in 2014. Interestingly, Sarjan Barkati filed his nomination for Beerwah, revealing a potential strategy. This confirmed my suspicions that these events were not isolated coincidences but part of a larger design orchestrated by some puppet master.
Q. Someone wants to defeat Omar Abdullah?
A. They’re trying to replicate the Baramulla strategy in Ganderbal, but it backfired in Budgam.
Q. So, Sarjan Barkati is contesting from both Ganderbal and Beerwah? And he’s the one with the anklet, right?
A. I wouldn’t know about that. I only know he was arrested in 2016 for leading the agitation against Burhan Wani’s killing.
Q. Isn’t it a good thing that despite the ban, Jamaat members are contesting as Independents?
A. I would have preferred the ban to be lifted, allowing them to contest under their own name and symbol. Since PDP adopted their traditional symbol, they would have needed a new one. Although the ban wasn’t lifted, around 12 Jamaat candidates are contesting as Independents. It’s ironic that an organisation that once boycotted elections and threatened those who participated is now part of the electoral landscape. I question what they’ve achieved in 35 years, as their agenda of separating Jammu and Kashmir from India or uniting it with Pakistan remains unfulfilled. If their goal was simply to participate in elections, they could have done so in 1996. What justifies their shift to the mainstream, claiming their mission is accomplished? I want to hear their explanation for the past 35 years.
Q. Obviously, they haven’t achieved much, which is why they’re re-joining the mainstream.
A. Don’t they owe the people of Jammu and Kashmir an explanation for the deaths of the last 35 years? As the National Conference, I take satisfaction in seeing these organisations, which once vilified my grandfather Sheikh Abdullah for the Indira-Sheikh Accord, now participating in elections. Sheikh Abdullah had a sovereign agreement with Indira Gandhi, outlining a roadmap for Jammu and Kashmir. What have these organisations achieved in 35 years? Is there an agreement with Delhi addressing the issues that led to turmoil? These questions need answers.
Q. Not so far. But I think CPM candidate Yusuf Tariq Ami is contesting from Kulgam, as he has since 1996. One of the key contenders is a Jamaat member, who had a large procession with 200 to 250 vehicles, unusual for an assembly election. This could indicate either a strong desire for elections or genuine affection for the candidate, suggesting the Jamaat has resonance in the Valley.
A. It wouldn’t surprise me if people have affection for this gentleman, as Kashmir has only had two cadre-based organisations: the National Conference and Jamaat-e-Islami. The Jamaat’s ability to mobilise numbers doesn’t surprise me. I acknowledge their support, which will show in the elections. However, I believe they need to be honest with people and explain their actions over the last 35 years.
Q. They’re not answering questions about their past actions or alleged support from Pakistan, but they claim to believe in the Constitution of India.
A. This raises questions about why the National Conference was targeted for 35 years for holding the same belief. These organisations need to explain their shift in stance regarding the Constitution. Previously, they operated behind the scenes in the electoral arena, but it's no secret that the areas where PDP drew strength are now contested by Jamaat candidates. I predict that the National Conference’s vote bank will remain intact, while PDP’s will be significantly reduced, as many of their votes will go to the independent Jamaat candidates.
Q. If the National Conference comes to power, will you restore Article 370 to J&K?
A. Article 370 cannot be restored by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, as it was part of the Indian Constitution, not the J&K Constitution. To reverse the changes made on August 5, 2019, a change in government at the Centre is required, and possibly multiple changes. We are clear about this during our campaign: we are keeping the issue alive but not promising a reversal during this government’s term. Instead, we will fight for the restoration of our statehood, which has significantly impacted people.
Q. But you are getting statehood.
A. BJP is vague about their intentions. They might only restore statehood if they’re part of the Jammu and Kashmir government. If they don’t willingly restore it, we’ll take it to the Supreme Court.
Q. What are you concerned about?
A. Not the powers, but the government of India’s unclear timeline for restoration. They’ve made no commitments.
Q. Doesn’t having an assembly mean you’ll have a state?
A. No, you can be a Union Territory with an assembly, like Pondicherry or Delhi.
Q. Or like Delhi?
A. Delhi is an even more extreme example. This means land, crime, and law and order would remain under the Lieutenant Governor’s jurisdiction. However, the point is that these elections weren’t voluntarily granted by the government of India. We’ve been demanding elections since 2019, but they didn’t happen until the Supreme Court ordered them. Therefore, if the government of India doesn’t willingly restore statehood, I believe we’ll return to the Supreme Court. The government committed to restoring statehood to Jammu and Kashmir during the court proceedings, leaving an opening for us.
Q. By 2019, didn’t Article 370 seem like a mere formality, with little substance remaining?
A. If that’s the case, why abolish it entirely?
Q. You tell me.
A. I don’t know. Only those who removed Article 370 can answer that. I've heard the argument that it had become meaningless, so I ask: if there was nothing to it, why remove it? If it was indeed hollow, it was still symbolic, representing our flag and constitution.
Q. But why leave it? That would mean full integration into the Indian Union.
A. That suggests there was more to Article 370 than just symbolism. It wasn’t empty; it held substance beyond just a flag.
Q. You weren’t fully integrated into the Constitution because...
A. Are we integrated now?
Q. I’m asking you, are you?
A. You don’t get integrated through laws; you get integrated through feelings. And if the Baramulla parliamentary result shows anything, it’s that you’re not integrated.
Q. Why do you say that?
A. Because that was a protest vote.
Q. Against you?
A. No, not against us. Against everything that has happened here in recent years.
Q. Against the National Conference? Against mainstream political parties?
A. No, actually against Delhi.
Q. They think they can simply take away Article 370?
A. They assume everything is fine and that everyone is happy, but they’re not. This is our way of expressing our discontent. I think Engineer Rashid is making a similar mistake.
Q. But then you became the fall guy, Mr Abdullah.
A. That’s okay. In politics, there are always fall guys.
Q. But there was protest vote against Omar Abdullah.
A. It was partly a protest vote and partly a sympathy vote. The vote wasn’t against me personally.
Q. Who was it against?
A. It was against the powers that be in Delhi. If the vote had been against me, it would have also been against the National Conference, the party I belong to as vice president. Logically, if people dislike me, they’ll likely dislike the party too. It’s hard to imagine a scenario where people dislike me but support the party. In 2014, voters weren’t satisfied with my government’s results, so they voted us out. If they had liked the party but not me, I would have lost individually, but the party wouldn’t have. However, in the recent Parliament election, that’s not what happened. The National Conference won convincingly in Anantnag and Srinagar, but lost Baramulla.
Q. So was it an Engineer Rashid vote?
A. It was largely a sympathy vote with an element of protest. Some first-time voters, who hadn’t voted before due to boycott or age, saw Engineer Rashid as a mythical figure. He was contesting from Tihar Jail, symbolising everything wrong with the situation. His posters, featuring him holding onto the jail doors, were everywhere.
Q. Do you think the sympathy factor is now cathartic and won’t influence the assembly election?
A. It’s challenging to evoke sympathy for someone no longer incarcerated and actively seeking votes. Engineer Rashid’s campaign, led by his sons, centered on two main points. Firstly, “Vote for my father or he’ll be hanged,” which was an outright lie since the charges against him don’t carry the death penalty. Secondly, “Vote for my father to free him from jail.” As we previously discussed, elections don’t determine jail release.
Q. No, he’ll return the next day.
A. Unfortunately, he goes back to jail on October 2. They ran a sentimental campaign, and people got swept up in it.
Q. When Article 370 was revoked, and this fig leaf was torn away, was there a sense of loss?
A. Of course, there was. That sense of loss still exists. While some people have made their peace with it – I wouldn’t dare estimate the number – they’ve accepted its demise. They mourn its loss but recognise it’s not coming back. However, others, like myself, refuse to accept that position. We believe that if multiple 3-judge benches of the Supreme Court have upheld Article 370 in the past, it’s possible a future bench could overturn the decision made by this 5-judge bench.
Q. Can I ask about BJP’s role in the election? They’re contesting strongly, especially in Jammu, their stronghold. What’s the mood in Jammu?
A. People are unhappy. They were sold the removal of Article 370 as a solution to all problems, but their issues have worsened. Jammu’s economy has been severely hit by the cancellation of Darbar Move.
Q. Is that a real issue?
A. Yes, it was crucial to Jammu’s economy and sense of belonging.
Q. But doesn’t keeping the administration in one place save money?
A. Sometimes it’s not about money; it’s about involvement and belonging. The Maharaja kept two capitals to give Kashmir a sense of belonging.
Q. So Jammu’s unhappy with BJP?
A. I believe so, but whether that unhappiness translates to votes remains to be seen.
Q. What if the National Conference needs to form a government with BJP?
A. I hate “what ifs”. We avoided a pre-poll alliance with the Congress to prevent such a situation.
Q. What if the Congress performs poorly in Jammu, and the National Conference doesn’t do well in the Valley?
A. Then, form a government without us.
Q. You won’t ally with BJP?
A. Honestly, I’d rather spend another 5 years out of power than do that.
Q. Do you think the PDP-BJP alliance damaged Kashmiris’ sense of belonging?
A. It damaged PDP and Mehbooba Mufti’s credibility, which she hasn’t recovered from.
Q. You don’t want to go down that road?
A. I really wouldn’t want to.
Q. So you will not touch BJP? You think it’s an untouchable?
A. I believe BJP will win around 20 seats and won’t be necessary for government formation.
Q. Thank you Mr Abdullah for your time and for speaking to the Tribune.
A. Pleasure.
