For delimitation, why couldn’t govt wait for 2021 census?

Amid the ongoing delimitation exercise in J&K, National Conference vice-president Omar Abdullah wants statehood restored before polls even as he maintains that no decision has been taken yet on how to proceed if the demand is not met. In an exclusive interview with Geetanjali Gayatri, he attributes public anger to the revocation of Article 370, humiliation of being downgraded to UT and poor governance. Excerpts:

There was a lot of euphoria over the PM’s invite to J&K leaders. What were your expectations?

Personally, I didn’t go with any great expectations. This was a meeting taking place after two years after a complete breakdown of communication between the mainstream political parties from J&K and the Government of India. A concerted effort was made since August 5, 2019, to try and convince the world that a party like mine was completely irrelevant to J&K. So, this was quite an about-turn by the establishment. It was an opportunity to understand if the GoI had a roadmap for J&K. Each time the PMs of India and Pakistan meet, there is misplaced enthusiasm. Those meetings come after long gaps and nothing happens. It is the same with this meeting since it came after a long gap and much upheaval. For me, it was more of an icebreaker.

Also read: Will go by 2011 census for J&K delimitation, says CEC

Your party met the Delimitation Commission team while you are critical of it. Why?

We went and told the commission what we think. There are two ways of doing it — stand out and criticise or go and put the criticism on record. We chose the latter. There are others who chose to criticise from outside.

Do you think the delimitation panel has already planned the outcome?

They have taken feedback and have said they will ensure transparency and that their draft will be made available for final comments.

One of my members asked the panel on what basis it had decided on adding seven seats. He was told it was a political decision.

There is an inherent contradiction in the BJP’s own position. It tells the panel that the 2011 census is flawed yet singles out J&K for delimitation with that as the basis. They could have waited for the 2021 census. The BJP should answer why this has been imposed on us when it thinks the 2011 census data is flawed.

You have sought statehood before polls. Do you think the Centre is open to the demand?

I can’t speak for the Centre. At this meeting with the PM, we were told that it would happen “at an appropriate time”. I am not comfortable with that. Who will determine when it is appropriate? I would expect far more clarity from the GoI on what yardstick it will follow. I don’t understand why we were reduced to a UT. If violence and militancy was the justification, then far more violence happens in Naxalite-dominated areas where massacres of security forces have run into three figures. How come Chhattisgarh is not a UT? Therefore, there is no justification.

If the GoI decides to hold polls before granting statehood to J&K, what will be your stand?

My party will have to sit down and discuss it.

Do you think the talks with J&K leaders came up due to international pressure?

It is not my place to analyse why we were called. The PM did explain that the timing of the meeting was not of his choosing. He had wanted to have it immediately after the district development council elections but the process was delayed due to Covid and this was his largest physical meeting since the first wave.

The SC case filed by your two MPs has not come up for hearing for a long time. What are you doing about it?

We have been discussing with the MPs what options are available to us to try and push the process forward. It is under discussion at the moment.

There is a lot of anger among people. The 2019 clampdown followed by the Covid lockdown has left the economy battered. How do you think J&K will emerge from this?

Some of the resentment and anger do not have a short-term solution. What Delhi did to J&K on August 5, 2019, has not been accepted by anybody here. There is unhappiness bordering on resentment about what was done — the humiliation of being reduced to a UT, the really poor governance, the autocratic rule of bureaucrats with no accountability. The bureaucrats are so intolerant that even the slightest hint of criticism can land you in jail. So, I am not surprised people are angry. There are different solutions to address some parts of it, but there is no one solution to wipe out all the anger.

Do you think Article 370 will be restored? Do you believe the Congress when it says that if it comes back, it will revoke the abrogation?

I wish I could say that I will take the Congress at face value because the party is itself responsible for almost all the damage done to Article 370 after 1953. Also, it is just one leader (Digvijay Singh) who said this, and that too was promptly refuted. The Congress is not very clear on where it stands on the issue.

On whether Art 370 will come back, I cannot pre-judge the court verdict but our case is extremely strong. There are fundamental and constitutional weaknesses in the way Article 370 and 35-A were handled, which is why the government is in no hurry for the case to come up for hearing in the SC. The government will do everything to delay it since they are on an extremely weak wicket.

What are the challenges before the Gupkar alliance?

Keeping the flock together is a challenge in any alliance but joining hands does not mean the constituent parties have subsumed their identity. I have not surrendered the ideology of my party. The NC sending a delegation to the delimitation panel and the PDP staying away is not a weakness of the PAGD (People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration). Our only agenda is to fight against what happened on August 5, 2019. I would be very reluctant to cede my decision-making authority to an alliance. As a political party, I reserve the right to take decisions outside the PAGD. On the primary issue, we will need to ensure we synergise our response and statements.

I don’t understand why we were reduced to a UT. If violence was the justification then far more violence happens in Naxalite-dominated areas. How come Chhattisgarh is not a UT?

Abrogation of art 370 unacceptable

What Delhi did to J&K on August 5, 2019, has not been accepted by anybody in the state. There is unhappiness bordering on resentment about what was done. –  Omar Abdullah, National Conference Vice-President