Global South expects results

A WRITE-UP on India-Egypt cultural relations on the website of the Indian Mission in Cairo notes that Sawtul Hind (Voice of India), the Embassy’s flagship Arabic magazine, reached a milestone in July 2017 with the publication of its 500th edition. Sawtul Hind, the first edition of which was published in 1952, continues to be an interface between India and Egypt and the Arab world at large.

The Global South will closely observe how India will reconcile its desire to be on the high table of the world and yet be a defender of its interests.

I reached Cairo soon after the 1977 elections when Indira Gandhi was thrown out through democratic elections, an event that had impressed the people of the developing world, including Egyptians. It was discernible to me that India’s voice, also articulated by Sawtul Hind, mattered to the Egyptian masses and a notable section of the elite, though the country, under then President Anwar Sadat, had radically abandoned the policies of his predecessor Gamal Abdel Nasser.

India then had a leadership role in the developing world because of its democracy and for championing the interests of post-colonial countries. Indian leaders, beginning with Jawaharlal Nehru, were unrelenting in hastening the decolonisation process and uncompromising in their quest for the establishment of a fair and equitable international order. Despite the 1962 setback, India was looked up to because it was focusing on raising its human capital, eroding feudal vestiges and trying to combat poverty. And, in Egypt, memories of the establishment of the non-aligned movement and the role played by Nasser, Nehru and Tito had remained strong. It was clear that the developing world assessed that its and Indian interests were well aligned.

It is important to recall this period as India seeks to become the voice of the Global South during its G20 presidency. It has just undertaken a major exercise to bring together the aspirations of the Global South through the virtual ‘Voice of the Global South Summit 2023’ (VOGSS) on January 12 and 13. This has been a notable endeavour, but India must ask itself this hard question: are its concerns and interests and that of a large number of countries of the Global South on all fours? And, if they differ on some issues, how will India reconcile them and also ensure that the G20 moves in the direction of justice and equity at a time when a large part of the developed world and China are moving into a recession.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s statements at the VOGSS struck all the right chords regarding the grave difficulties faced by the developing countries because of the double whammy of the Covid-19 pandemic and the adverse impact of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on global energy, food and fertiliser situation. He also spoke of the need for a ‘human-centric development paradigm’. He illustrated his idea by emphasising that while globalisation was fine in principle, it should not lead to climate or debt crises or an over-concentration of supply chains. There is no doubt that these ideas would have resonated with the leaders of developing countries. But was it necessary to reiterate India’s call for reform of the institutions of global governance, in particular UN Security Council and the Bretton Woods Institutions at this time? While there is wide recognition in the developing world that India should be a permanent member of the Security Council, are these issues in the forefront of the concerns of the developing world at this stage?

Modi’s comments on development partnerships were indirectly critical of the Chinese approach to assisting developing countries. Modi said, “India’s approach has been consultative, outcome-oriented, demand driven, people-centric and respectful of the sovereignty of partner countries.” This is largely true and it is this that made the Indian assistance programme in Afghanistan, for instance, the most popular of all such programmes. The words “respectful of the sovereignty of partner countries” are obviously aimed at the way China continues to handle its Belt and Road Initiative that has led to the accumulation of debt, which has compelled some ‘partner countries’ to mortgage land and other resources.

As of now there is no information, in the public domain, if any of the countries which have been beneficiaries of Indian loans for development-related work have adhered to their repayment schedules. The approach India will adopt if some countries are not or have not been able to meet their repayment responsibilities will bear watching. Naturally, if the quantum of these delays is small, it would not be a serious issue, but if they become large then India would be compelled to face the kind of problems which other donors have from time to time. Sooner rather than later, the government will have to spell out its policy on this issue.

Apart from Modi’s sessions, the event witnessed eight thematic sessions at ministerial levels which covered areas from finance to energy to health among others. All these sectors are of vital concern to developing countries and India would distil from the interventions made by the ministers of other countries and input these into G20 meetings and the summit itself during its presidency. To what extent it would be able to make other G20 nations take effective action to address these concerns remains uncertain. What developing countries would expect are concrete results, as were seen during the decolonisation period.

It is significant that Modi announced five important initiatives, including the setting up of a Global South Centre of Excellence, a science and technology initiative and a health initiative. The other two relate to training of diplomats and giving scholarships. Some work in these areas is already underway, but the real challenge for India and the Global South is to ensure that the gap between the developed world and it in science and technology does not go back to what it became after the European Industrial Revolution. The disastrous consequences of that era have to be avoided. China has made remarkable advances in science and technology and India, as it seeks to be the voice of the Global South, cannot be oblivious of that.

The Global South will closely observe how India will reconcile its desire to be on the high table of the world and yet be a defender of its interests.