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Tackling women-led mobs in Manipur a challenge

NINETEEN years ago, when Manorama Devi was allegedly picked up by a detachment of the Assam Rifles, a paramilitary force then deployed at Kangla Fort in Imphal, a series of events was triggered that reverberates even today in strife-ridden Manipur....
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NINETEEN years ago, when Manorama Devi was allegedly picked up by a detachment of the Assam Rifles, a paramilitary force then deployed at Kangla Fort in Imphal, a series of events was triggered that reverberates even today in strife-ridden Manipur. The allegations of rape, torture and killing of Manorama Devi led to an iconic women’s protest on July 15, 2004, by 12 Meira Paibis or ‘torchbearers’, who stripped naked in front of the Assam Rifles’ headquarters and held aloft banners that screamed: ‘Indian Army Rape Us’. The fact that there is a difference between the Army and the Assam Rifles was lost in the din. The reputation of the Indian Army was sullied the world over.

This nude protest by ‘women torchbearers’ — also known as Emas or ‘mothers of Manipur’ who belong to the majority Meitei community — is epitomised by the statement of one of them, Soibam Momon Leima: “It made me very angry. It was not just Manorama who was raped. We all felt raped.” The protests led to the then government acknowledging the need to repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which gave sweeping powers of arrest to the security forces in the North-East. The AFSPA was fully revoked in Manipur in March 2023. The present unrest in the state flared up on May 3.

Surprisingly, this time, no such indignation has been shown by the ‘torchbearers’ in protest against the horrific sexual assault on two tribal women on May 4, allegedly by marauding Meitei groups, even as the local police mutely stood by. The incident came to light only after a video clip of the brutality went viral on social media in mid-July. It is mobs led by women that have obstructed the Army and Assam Rifles units from reaching the flashpoints where Meitei mobs have attacked tribal villages.

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On June 24, a 1,500-strong mob led by women or Meira Paibis forced the Army to release 12 captured terrorists of the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup — an outfit banned by the National Investigation Agency — including the mastermind of the 2015 ambush of an Army unit, 6 Dogra, in which 18 soldiers were killed. Numerous such incidents of mobs led by women disrupting operations in Manipur have been observed in the present strife and the Army has put out appeals busting the myth of women holding peaceful blockades. There is drone and video footage of mobs digging up approach roads to security forces’ bases and of women activists accompanying terrorists in vehicles to get past security forces’ check-posts and roadblocks as proof of disruptive actions by women. These incidents also show that the Army should have taken action to stop the rioters, especially when called in to aid the civil authorities to maintain law and order. The local commanders should be allowed to use force against mobs involved in arson and killing.

In May, armouries of police stations, battalions and training centres across Manipur were attacked by Meitei mobs and 3,000-5,000 sophisticated arms and huge amounts of ammunition looted while the guards meekly handed over the keys of the strongrooms to them. It is this same partisan police that has now been entrusted with the recovery of the looted arms. The undermining of institutions so critical to efficient functioning of the state is disturbing.

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The situation is frustrating for the Army and the Assam Rifles, which had until March 2023 controlled violence in the state and restored normalcy after decades of dedicated deployment. This is because the Unified Security Headquarters is run by the state government, which has its loyalties and political interests skewed towards the majority community. There is little effort by the police and state security forces to recover the lethal arms looted in May, other than a few token surrenders and recoveries of obsolete weapons.

There is a certain finality regarding the deployment of the Army to aid the civil authorities in law and order situations because it is the last resort after the police and local law enforcers have failed. An unlawful situation will need the use of extreme measures.

In Manipur, the Army and Central forces must be given clear-cut Rules of Engagement (RoE) to deal with the mobs — led by women or otherwise — if the aim of deploying them is to restore law and order. The existing half-baked arrangement is not working, as has been demonstrated. The command structure of the Army deployed should take a strong stand on being given the freedom to exercise its powers to prevent loss of life and property.

The logic of using human shields in Manipur is to discredit the security forces that are always wary of collateral damage to unarmed civilians. That the shield is a woman is even more disturbing to the psyche of the soldier. The RoE in such a situation in Manipur must be defined and crafted to ensure decisive success of the security operations.

The use of a targeted strike must be justifiable from a legal perspective. As first impressions shape the narrative, public opinion tends to be influenced by the images of civilians suffering. The Unified Security HQ in Manipur should publicly justify its position and reveal the use of civilians in combat situations by mobs infiltrated by terrorists. This can be achieved by documenting incidents and preparing supportive messages which are streamed across multiple channels to discredit the terrorists in the mobs.

Political will is required to launch coordinated intelligence-driven operations to target the rioters. The intelligence apparatus of the state government, the police network of informers and women battalions from the Central forces need to be activated effectively to counter mob carnage and women being used to disrupt the security forces’ operations. It is time the Army was allowed to do its job and restore peace yet again.

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