Shifting realities of India-US ties
EYEBROWS were raised in the Western world over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Moscow at the invitation of Russian President Putin just when the NATO alliance was meeting in Washington to take decisions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Like his past visits to Russia, this one was successful in addressing a number of issues — most importantly, energy and defence cooperation. The trip came weeks after the US Department of State published a report on alleged human rights abuse in India. The report described India as a country where human rights were violated routinely. It asserted that Manipur had been shaken by instances of rape, armed conflict and assaults, accompanied by the destruction of homes, shops and places of worship.
One has to take note of the growing readiness and confidence of the Democratic Party to confront Trump in the presidential elections.
The US report noted that activists and journalists in India had reported violence in the northeastern state. This can happen in any democracy when sections of the people take to arms. Media coverage of such happenings is not new in India. The media is free to cover incidents across India. The Modi government predictably deployed security forces to enforce curfews in response to the growing violence in Manipur. The Supreme Court has also intervened over the developments in Manipur, calling for effective measures for restoration of peace.
The violence in Manipur, which is located near the border with China, has largely ended. There has been criticism of the government’s policies in Manipur by the Opposition. Such issues are resolved within the framework of the country’s Constitution, with the active participation of the Opposition and often the involvement of the Supreme Court. The US report on the developments in India, however, appears one-sided, unrealistic and undiplomatic. It can only be described as an ill-advised effort, set to lead to a downward spiral in the India-US relationship.
The main question for India now is whether Kamala Harris, if she wins the presidential race, will follow the confused and somewhat less-than friendly path of her mentor Joe Biden or focus on the strategic ties that have taken the US-India relationship to a new high. One can only hope for a new beginning in India-US ties.
Interestingly, The Wall Street Journal has noted: “Democrats are newly energised as they rally behind Kamala Harris for President.” One has to take note of the growing readiness and confidence of the Democratic Party to take on former President Donald Trump in the presidential elections.
The US Administration’s major attention in the coming months will be on the Russia-Ukraine conflict; the Western world, led by Biden, continues to pour in money, arms and ammunition to the Ukrainian government. According to a German institute, the US and the European Union have pledged or provided “more than $380 billion” in military, financial and humanitarian aid to Ukraine since 2022. The impact of the Ukraine conflict is being felt across Europe. Even Azerbaijan has supplied bombs to the conflict zone via Sudan. Not to be left behind, Pakistan has also reportedly provided Ukraine with Kamikaze drones, man-portable air-defence systems and surface-to-air missiles. One wonders how long this conflict will continue, with the loss of lives mounting. This is a war that will go on, unless Trump, who has opposed US involvement, is elected President. Trump has left no doubt that he is not interested in spending US taxpayers’ money on the conflict in Ukraine.
There are, however, serious challenges ahead if Harris chooses to continue the Biden policy of pouring in money and armaments into a seemingly unending conflict. While Russia may be willing to cede some territory it has taken over, it will never agree to a settlement without retaining a firm control of its access to the sea, which it has historically controlled. The Russian military intervention in Ukraine started only after it became evident that Ukrainian President Zelenskyy was joining the US in measures which would compromise Russia’s territorial integrity and national security.
India certainly has no interest in getting drawn into the rivalry and ambitions of European powers. But it cannot afford to turn the other cheek when a foreign power seeks to promote a propaganda barrage against it. New Delhi has, after all, been dealing with a ruler (Biden) in Washington, who, as Vice-President, had chosen to travel all the way from Islamabad to Rawalpindi to call on a Pakistani four-star General.
The US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, meanwhile, commenced his reference to human rights from the days of his July 2021 visit to India. He had then said: “There are few relationships in the world that are more vital than the one between the US and India. We are the world’s two leading democracies and our diversity fuels our national strength… Both of our democracies are works in progress. Sometimes that process is painful. Sometimes it’s ugly. But the strength of democracy is to embrace it.”
It is not clear how Harris will run the State Department if she becomes President. One hopes that the people in Washington realise that there is a contradiction between referring to India as a strategic ally on the one hand and then criticising its alleged human rights violations in official documents on the other.
Interestingly, Harris has moved ahead with campaigning against Trump, whose candidate for Vice-President is 39-year-old Senator JD Vance; the latter’s wife is Indian-origin Usha Vance. We are headed for interesting times as the election gathers steam.
