It’s a soldier’s duty to uphold Constitution
Maj Gen Ashok Mehta (retd)
Military commentator
Never before in recent memory has an incoming Army Chief made crystal clear the constitutional role of the Army. During his first annual press conference ahead of Army Day, General MM Naravane stated unequivocally that the Army owes allegiance to the Constitution of India and the core values it embodies in its preamble: Justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. The defence of these values, he said, was achieved by protecting the borders and safeguarding the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. He outlined this belief and conviction in his opening remarks, and not in response to a question.
His remarks will certainly set to rest, for the time being, the controversial political statements made by his predecessor, General Bipin Rawat, and others in uniform, endorsing the government’s policies before and after the ongoing CAA/NRC protests.
Just last month, the Eastern Army Commander, Lt Gen Anil Chauhan, lauded the government for taking difficult legacy decisions — from abrogation of Article 370 to Ram Mandir and from CAA to bringing to near closure the Naga peace process. This same script was paraphrased by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar at a book launch recently, suggesting that the government’s distinguished record of achievements was being distributed to the military also. It was inevitable that the armed forces would be sucked into backing the government policy and its implementation.
General Naravane’s reference to the Preamble of the Constitution and its core values follows young students regularly reading them out during the ongoing protests. This is a timely reminder to the men and women in uniform that it is the Constitution — to which they swore allegiance on joining the military — which is their holy grail, not any political party or ideology. General Naravane’s bottom line was: “We are an Army of the people and for the people”, which translates into pursuing national interest and not partisan interests of the ruling establishment and the party in power. The General’s sermon was required to set the record straight and insulate soldiers from politicisation.
It is widely understood that over the last few years, especially following the Uri surgical strike and the Balakot air strike, the government glorified the soldier largely for its own electoral benefit, thereby politicising sections of the military, especially when Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath called the Indian Army, ‘Modiji ki sena’, at election rallies last year.
After the Uri surgical strike, pictures appeared at election rallies of the now Northern Army Commander, Lt Gen Ranbir Singh, the architect of the strikes, flanked by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Shah.
While publicly defending the integrity of the Rafale contract with Dassault, Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman was invariably accompanied by an Air Marshal, usually now the Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria.
This dangerous misuse of the Army and Air Force in claiming political success has swayed several serving and retired soldiers towards the ideology of the ruling party.
The Indian armed forces remain uniquely apolitical, professional, secular and committed to civilian political control. Pursuit of these ideals is facilitated by the military imbibing from its own set of ethics, ethos, customs and traditions that have prevented any unconstitutional activities by them.
In his book, A Chequered Brilliance, former Congress minister Jairam Ramesh describes former Defence Minister VK Krishna Menon’s efforts in creating a rift among the senior Army officers, separating the pliant from the self-opinionated. He trained his guns on the charismatic Army Chief, General KS Thimayya (during Karnataka elections last year, Modi erroneously named Field Marshal KM Cariappa, when he meant Thimayya, while blaming Prime Minister Nehru and the Congress for mistreating him) and the legendary Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw to get them removed and replaced by his chosen lot of generals that included the likes of PN Thapar, BM Kaul and others. Menon’s politicisation of the Army was one reason for the Himalayan debacle of 1962.
The only other crisis in the Army was when a former chief took his own government to court over an age row. When asked why he took no action to discipline the Army Chief, Defence Minister AK Antony, alarmed at the question, and in awe of the General, replied: “But how…? The Army Chief is such a big man.”
When officers of my vintage graduated in 1957 from the Indian Military Academy in Dehradun, it was not the Constitution we swore allegiance to, but the credo and motto scripted by Field Marshal Philip Chetwode: “The safety and honour of the country come first, always and every time; the honour, welfare and comfort of the men you command come next; your own ease, comfort and safety come last, always and every time.”
As for soldiers of the time, at their attestation parade, they swore over copies of their faith to unstintingly obey the orders of their seniors, to protect the country on land, at sea and in the air, in India and overseas. It was a multi-faith avowal for defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country as priests of different faiths snaked through the rank and file of recruits being turned into soldiers.
Thank you, General Naravane, for reminding soldiers (and us veterans) of their constitutional duties, including upholding the democracy’s core values.