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End free movement regime after Myanmar border fencing is done

MANIPUR, a state in the far northeastern corner of the country, bordering Myanmar, has been in the throes of violence since May last year, with no signs of it abating in the near future. It was in April that the...
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MANIPUR, a state in the far northeastern corner of the country, bordering Myanmar, has been in the throes of violence since May last year, with no signs of it abating in the near future. It was in April that the Manipur High Court had directed the state government to recommend to the Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs to include Meiteis, the majority community in the Imphal valley, in the list of Scheduled Tribes. This was followed by a series of clashes across the state, barring the Naga-inhabited districts. The conflict involved the non-tribal Hindu-majority Meiteis inhabiting the valley and the tribal Kuki-Zo Christian community of the hills.

Protesting against the HC direction, the All-Tribal Students’ Union Manipur in Kuki-dominated Churachandpur organised a tribal solidarity march on May 3, which turned unruly when the Anglo-Kuki War Gate, about 7 km from Churachandpur, was set on fire by miscreants. Angered by this provocation, Kukis resorted to violence, and thus began the mayhem which quickly spread to other parts of the state; it has claimed over 200 lives so far.

The Naga tribals have distanced themselves from the ethnic clashes so far even though they also stand affected as the inclusion of the Meiteis in the ST list will encroach upon their quota, too. The Pangals (Muslims) have kept their distance so far, though they were attacked by militants of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Thoubal on January 1. While the political wing of the PLA, the Revolutionary People’s Front, claimed responsibility for the killing of five Pangals, it justified the act by stating that some villagers had attempted to snatch their weapons.

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After a video of two women being paraded naked and molested by a mob in Manipur went viral, the situation escalated. Just about 1,500 of the 5,668 weapons looted from police armouries had been recovered till October. About 20,000 out of 6.5 lakh rounds of ammunition looted had been recovered till November. Thus, a good chunk of weapons and ammunitions is still in the wrong hands.

Manipur Chief Minister Biren Singh has blamed the 390-km porous border with Myanmar for the smuggling of drugs, incursion of migrants and insurgency in the state. Insurgents carry out attacks in the state and then sneak back into Myanmar.

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Under the free movement regime (FMR), both Indian and Myanmar citizens residing in border areas are free to go up to 16 km on either side in each other’s territory. With a border pass, which is valid for a year, they can stay in the neighbouring country for up to two weeks.

This arrangement was facilitated by India’s Act East Policy in 2018 with a view to boosting trade with Southeast Asian countries and, thereby, bolstering the region’s economy. The Assam Rifles, the oldest paramilitary force of our country, guards the northeastern borders.

The situation in Myanmar under junta rule has driven rebels to flee to the neighbouring states of Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. With the Three Brotherhood Alliance (BHA) comprising rebel Myanmarese outfits — the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Arakan Army and Ta’ang National Liberation Army — getting the upper hand in the region close to the Indian border, Myanmar police and army personnel are fleeing to Mizoram, though the Indian Government is sending them back through Moreh in Manipur. The ethnic bonds of the Kuki-Zo tribals in Myanmar with the people in Mizoram and Manipur induce them to shift, though temporarily, to their neighbourhood for safety and security. Inter-border marriages strengthen the bonds, rendering the border meaningless.

Since the military takeover of the government in Myanmar in February 2021, around 40,000 people have moved to Mizoram, while 4,000 are reported to have taken shelter in Manipur. In November last year, 5,000 villagers moved to Mizoram when Myanmar Army personnel attacked people along the borders.

Fearing the influx of illegal immigrants from Myanmar, Biren Singh had asked the Centre in September to put an end to the FMR. He attributed the ethnic clashes in Manipur to the illegal immigrants who entered the state with weapons. It is only recently that the Centre decided to consider ending the FMR. It is in the process of floating tenders for smart-fencing of 300 km of the Indo-Myanmar border along Manipur.

Myanmar’s junta government, too, must be roped in before it is implemented. The fencing along the borders is expected to take around five years. Till then, the enforcement of the protocol of moving with passport and visa and the sealing of the border will have to be ensured through additional manpower and the utilisation of drones for surveillance. Given that the border is porous and densely forested, except for a 10-km stretch that is fenced, monitoring may prove to be challenging.

There is bound to be resistance to the cancellation of the FMR by the locals from both sides of the border. Moreover, putting an end to the FMR may not impact the crossing over by insurgents as they can take other routes. But trade would be affected and, thereby, the Act East Policy. Until the fencing is completed, the FMR should be retained.

Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma has made it clear that he will not allow fencing along the Myanmar-Mizoram border. He is reported to have apprised PM Narendra Modi in New Delhi recently of the close bonds that exist between the Mizos and their Myanmar neighbours, who are ‘brothers of the same blood’.

The Centre, though, may not brook any interference as the fencing of borders is a subject dealt by it.

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