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Modi wears the velvet glove of development
Instead of the BJP’s pet theme of mandir, in his Chandigarh rally the only temples Modi promised to erect are that of modernisation. It now serves him well to sheath the iron fist of Hindu nationalism in the velvet glove of progress.
Raj Chengappa

In Jammu, where folklore is part of political campaign speeches, people talked about how the weather gods obliged when Narendra Modi wanted to visit the Vaishno Devi shrine last week. While it had rained heavily the previous night, when morning came, the skies cleared dramatically, permitting Modi to pay obeisance to the deity. People recalled that when Sonia Gandhi had made a similar effort several years ago, the skies misted over and she had to cancel her trip.

In Chandigarh last evening, the weather again seemed to have favoured Modi. Overnight the overcast sky had cleared and by the evening it was a sparkling blue streaked only by wisps of fluffy clouds. At sunset, when Modi arrived at the rally venue, the horizon turned a pale saffron, matching the colour of his jacket and that of his party, the BJP.
Narendra Modi at the rally in Chandigarh on Saturday
Narendra Modi at the rally in Chandigarh on Saturday. Tribune photo: S. Chandan

The dais was packed with local party leaders, including Chandigarh candidate Kirron Kher and Punjab Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, whose party, the SAD, is in alliance with the BJP. But it was Modi the crowds had come to hear. And the BJP prime-ministerial candidate didn’t disappoint them with his eloquence and showmanship that held them spellbound for close to an hour. If oratory were the only deciding factor to elect a PM in this election, Modi would win hands down against his rivals.

I had last listened to Modi live in Gujarat when he was campaigning for the 2012 Assembly elections, which he won. His ability to connect with his home audience would have been the envy of even US President Barack Obama. A year and half later, he was no different in Chandigarh, and the crowd just loved him. They laughed at the jokes he cracked, answered the questions he asked or nodded their heads in unison and frequently applauded him or broke out into loud chants of “Abki baar, Modi sarkar”.

From start to finish, the Modi act appeared to be a one-man show with him making only passing references to the BJP and its contribution. It was an intensely personalised campaign speech that revolved around his achievements in Gujarat, the UPA government’s incompetence in running the country and a no-holds-barred attack on Rahul Gandhi, whom he continued to refer derisively as the “Shehzada” (prince).

There was hardly a mention of Hindutva in his speech and he even ridiculed the Congress for keeping up secular pretensions to cover for the UPA government’s paralysis. Instead of the BJP’s pet theme of mandir and masjid in previous general elections, the only temples Modi promised to erect were that of modernisation and progress. He talked at length of good governance and eradicating corruption, not missing the chance to take a dig at the Congress for retaining Pawan Bansal, the sitting MP, to contest from Chandigarh despite the “Railways ghotala”.

Modi deliberately avoided mentioning AAP or its party leader, Arvind Kejriwal, who has decided to contest against him in Varanasi. Instead he tore into Rahul and derided his frequent references to how long the Congress party has served the nation. His favourite: While Lal Bahadur Shastri, the late Prime Minister, had talked of “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan” (Hail the soldier and the farmer), the current Congress government theme was “Mar Jawan, Mar Kisan” (Death to the soldier and the farmer).

Modi’s advisers and speechwriters appeared to have done their homework well, something that has been a hallmark of his campaign. He was careful to connect with Chandigarh, recalling how he had lived in the city many years ago and had intimate knowledge of its problems and potential. Modi mocked the Congress for frequently changing its Union Home Ministers, which led to development in the Union Territory suffering.

In contrast to Rahul’s perceived reluctance to assume power, Modi appeared raring to occupy the PM’s gaddi. But on what he would do for the country if he comes to power, Modi avoided specifics. Instead he exhorted the crowd to make him PM, often referring to himself in the third person, stating: “You gave the Congress 60 years to run the country, now give Modi just 60 months and you will see the difference.”

Team Modi seems to have taken a calculated risk of getting him to stick to the theme of ‘vikas’ (development) in his campaign speeches rather than the RSS agenda. Modi knows that he doesn’t have to flaunt his Hindutva credentials as he already wears the mantle of a hardliner after the sad events post-Godhra in 2002. It now serves Modi well to sheath the iron fist of Hindu nationalism in the velvet glove of development. So far, the strategy seems to be working.

raj@tribuneindia.com

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