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world
Even as India devoted much of its energy to improving ties with China and Pakistan in 2012, wrinkles appeared in the time-tested relationship with Russia over a host of issues. India was virtually caught off guard in the neighbourhood as the Mohammed Nasheed regime was dislodged in the Maldives and then the new government terminated the Male airport development project awarded to Indian infrastructure major GMR amid growing Chinese influence in the archipelago. Bhutan also sought to warm up to China, threatening to upset the delicate balance of power in the region. As the Foreign Office witnessed the change of guard, with S M Krishna being replaced by Salman Khurshid, the situation in Afghanistan remained a cause of disquiet with the spectre of the Taliban again ruling the roost after the withdrawal of Western forces in 2014 haunting New Delhi. On the India-Pakistan front, even as the two countries opened more routes for trade and signed a liberalised visa regime agreement, Islamabad did precious little to bring to justice the perpetrators of the Mumbai attack. Chinese conundrum Another round of boundary talks with China failed to produce any substantive outcome. In fact, a new map row erupted between the two countries when Beijing started issuing e-passports showing Arunachal Pradesh and Aksai Chin as part of China. India retaliated by issuing visas to Chinese nationals containing Indian maps, including these regions as part of it. Obama returns The re-election of President Barack Obama for another four-year term at the White House raised hopes in India that there would be continuity in Indo-US relations even though Obama’s comments on outsourcing still remain a cause of worry. Differences persist between the two countries over the implementation of the nuclear deal because of Washington’s dissatisfaction with India’s civil nuclear law. Russian roulette The nuclear deal with Russia also passed through a topsy-turvy phase with Moscow conveying to Delhi its objection over the civil nuclear law, particularly the liability clause. Russia was also upset over the fate of the $3-billion investment by Sistema in a joint venture in India. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Christmas Eve visit to New Delhi saw the two countries stitching mega defence deals, reinforcing Russia’s status as the biggest weapons supplier to India. Brickbats & bouquets Sri Lanka continued to pay lip service to the cause of Tamils, much to the discomfiture of New Delhi. With Colombo continuing to ignore Delhi’s appeals to expedite a solution to the ethnic crisis, India voted against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in March. The Indo-Bangladesh relations also did not move beyond mere rhetoric. Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina government felt peeved that the Teesta water-sharing agreement was nowhere close to being signed. Even the land boundary agreement, signed with much fanfare during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Dhaka last year, was yet to be ratified by the Indian Parliament. Suu Kyi visit Myanmar’s pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi visited New Delhi to receive the Jawaharlal Nehru Award. She used the occasion to put India in a tight spot by questioning why it courted Myanmar’s military ‘junta’ all these years instead of championing the cause of democracy. Guest relations What, however, must have given some satisfaction to the foreign policy makers was that India successfully hosted the leaders of Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa for the BRICS Summit in March. India also played host to ten Southeast Asian nations at the ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit in December. At the UN Security Council too, India did reasonably well as a non-permanent member, especially on contentious issues like Syria and Palestine.
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