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Indian Identity
Narratives and the Politics of Security
The book asserts that the elites determine national identity. They are also at the forefront of policy formation. The narratives quoted in the book don’t put forth chiseled analysis of Indian identity that mirrors holistic picture of India’s identity. The book is divided into six chapters. The first chapter "Identity and the Politics of Security" focuses on "nationalist discourse from secular, pluralistic and inclusive to religious-cultural self of India". Identities are defined to find a unique identity of India and distinguish it from others. In this book, the concept of national identity is specifically understood as the socio-historical delineation of the national self in the presence of others, internal and external. "Nationalist discourse is fractured along the line of gender, class, caste, and province". In the sixth chapter, the conclusion is drawn that identities are articulated from three standpoints — identity, interests, and action. Identity influences interests and interests are executed in action. The constructive understanding offers role of identity in which language plays a significant role. The core assumptions of constructivism are those of inter-subjectivity, contextuality and co-constitution of agents and social structures. "The world, according to the constructivists, is inter-subjectively and collectively constituted." The book focuses on the central theme of retaining Indian identity in relation with international the contemporaneous global politics. The author’s concern is to establish the relationship between identity, interests and action. It analyses national identity conceptions and state behaviour, examining whether identities (seen in terms of the self/other relations) constitute a crucial element of state interest, both in terms of end goals and strategies. The author analyses the effects of the secular and religious-cultural identities on foreign policy. She examines the construction of secular and religious-cultural self, and the implications of these discourses for engagement with others. The term "secular" used in the book has Western bias that has exclusive approach of religious-cultural from the secular. The Indian concept of secularist is inclusive of religious plurality and their co-existence on the Indian soil. The readers are required to take cognisance of it. The study articulates Indian identity into two folds. First, secular identity characterised by pluralism and tolerance and, second, Hindutva identity. She has not gone deep into minor or tribal identities which constitute the real living Indian identity. "This study examines the religious-cultural and secular constructions of national identities and the impact these have on engagement with other states". The Hindu national identity is built around an exclusive Hindu nation. Hindutva politics is more an explicitly post-colonial modern interpretation of pan-Indian nationalism that is manifestation of activistic revivalism of the ancient past "religious fundamentalism". Religion is a dynamic phenomenon, which is to be understood or interpreted in the coeval contextual socio-cultural milieu. Fundamentalism blocks smooth flow of religious process and plays the game of politics of the sacred. Dynamic nature of religion is turned into outdated dogmas, beliefs, and rituals. It makes religion cut-off from the social realities. Religious-cultural predominance has been suppressing and overshadowing reason with faith. Indian identity remained fragmented. In the present globalised scenario, the problem has been aggravated as India is entangled with Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan and China. Religious-cultural conceptions of India’s identity, perceived Pakistan and Kashmir as dangerous, which challenged India’s territorial identity. In case of Pakistan and China, political parties are more influenced by religious-cultural identity than by secular identity. Indian parties articulating the secular national identity narratives undertook several friendly initiatives, but demarcation of border issues remained unresolved. And Karmapa’s entry in India in 2000 has further worsened relation with China. "In the post-colonial world, a desire to surpass the Other is manifested in violence or terrorism. The post-colonial identity of Indian state’s narratives/works (1990-2003) has been taken to elaborate different arguments. "A religious community creates boundaries of Self and Other" (BJP)." Significantly, religious beliefs have been continuing to exercise considerable influences in shaping the social order. The author quotes Huntington and Jurgensmeyer to justify that, "religion represents greater potential for violence and conflict." It is superficial understanding of religion. Genuine religion does not promote violence. It is institutionalised religion that is influenced by the clergy and politicians. It gives birth to fundamentalism and violence. "India’s security concerns are seen to emerge from the threats posed by external powers and internal stability." The mushroom emergence of regionalism and internal stability is dissipated by the secessionist movements in Punjab, Assam, and Nagaland; the infiltration of immigrants from Bangladesh; and threats from Pakistan and China. The new concept of coalition governments in states and the Central government is symbolic of India’s weakened national identity. The study tacitly assumes
that the quoted narratives assume different identities that determine
the secular and religious-cultural interests. In nutshell, the study
contributes to our understanding of the relationship between Indian
identity and foreign security policy. The book is meant for the elite
experts of international relations and comparative political analysis.
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GITIKACommuri
juxtaposes Indian identity and the Other with a view to retaining India’s
fractured national identity in the context of international politics.
Being alien to Indian culture, she based her arguments on the Indian
narratives or literature of the "political elite" whose
experiences of the living realities are alienated from the grassroots of
the subaltern and tribal marginalised masses.