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Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance: Field Studies from Rural India panchayati raj, in its new avatar, has been envisaged not only as the third tier of government but also as the first tier of democracy, where empowered local communities would take control of their own destiny. It was meant to usher in a silent revolution that would radically transform governance in India. Fifteen years down the line, it takes no great political wisdom to surmise that things haven’t worked out quite that way. And yet, the inclusion of the historically disempowered groups — the so-called "un-people" — in the political process has slowly begun to change the grammar of Indian politics.
When the panchayati raj was institutionalised following the epoch-making 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments that sought to make women, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes new stakeholders of the democratic polity, many cried blue murder ridiculing the experiment as utopian. Today, there seems to exist a kind of competitive radicalism among various political parties to score brownie points over the panchayati raj. States are outdoing one another by reserving 50 per cent quota for women and offering other sops to the formerly excluded groups. That says a lot about the journey of the panchayati raj. Nevertheless, the fact remains that while political passions are played out with lurid exaggeration over the place and role of panchayats during elections, but when it comes to devolving funds to these grassroots institutions so as to make them institutions of self-governance, Panchayats become a sore in the feet. Clearly, lip service to the panchayati raj is the name of the game. When panchayats were given a pride of place in the Indian polity, there were three assumptions. First, the panchayati raj will prove to be a potent instrument in the hands of the poor, oppressed and the underprivileged. Second, it will engender social justice and social equity. Finally, it will lead to good governance. The panchayat revolution is a continuous process. The functioning of the panchayati raj institutions is a mixed bag of some astounding successes against all odds and equally significant reverses. Over the years, several studies have been made which have thrown interesting trends. However, most studies are case studies and state-specific. And hence no generalisations can be made without hazards. Given the diversity and complexity of the country, it is the many shades of grey that perhaps tell us the real story. An objective assessment of the state of panchayats can be made only on the basis of objective data, rigorous research and scientific evaluation. The volume under review edited by B. S. Baviskar and George Mathew has filled this serious gap. Result of an intensive research by the Institute of Social Sciences, the book brings together rich field studies from 42 panchayats in 12 states to show how decentralisation works in Indian villages. It analyses the social, political and economic forces influencing variations in the degree of empowerment of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women. It is a comprehensive and rigorous study based on primary data. The study has attempted to find out to what extent the hitherto excluded groups have been included in the rural power structure. What is the extent of their empowerment? Have they been truly empowered? Have the panchayats become truly participatory? This study is a reality check based on primary data collected through field studies. The study says that occupying formal positions of power is not enough. That doesn’t make one necessarily powerful. "The real test of power is one’s ability to influence decision making in a public action affecting the community". In most cases, the dominant castes don’t approve of the reservation accorded to the SCs. But since they know, it cannot be undone, they have found ways to undermine the positions of SC members and heads of Panchayats. In some states the dominant castes follow the course of conciliation and manipulation rather than that of confrontation. The study finds the situation relatively better in Maharashtra, Gujarat, West Bengal and Kerala. Women in panchayats seem to be faring better. They are on the path to empowerment although at a slower pace. "The fact that women come forward to contest elections, come out of homes to attend panchayat meetings and sit with men of different castes and age groups is itself a step towards empowerment", notes the study. The ideal of strong, truly representative and responsive PRI is still a distant dream. But this silent revolution has already begun to take governance beyond governments. With the new stakeholders — women, SCs and STs — coming to power, the governance is now more horizontal and accountable. The book has many strengths — detailed field work and scientific data analysis being the obvious ones. The panchayati raj institutions present a complex mosaic that can be understood only when they are viewed with nuanced lens. This is precisely what the book has attempted to do. However, the absence of Summary and Conclusion is badly missed which could have explained at some length the complexities of the diverse picture that our panchayats present. The book will serve as a necessary reference for serious researchers, policy planners and all those interested in grassroots democracy for quite some time to come.
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