The Ailing Queen
With its
rejuvenating mountain air and salubrious climate, Darjeeling was
seen by the British as a place where fatigued soldiers and
officials were able to recuperate. But now this Queen of the
Hills is ailing. It is no longer a favourite tourist attraction,
thanks to political unrest and lack of infrastructure. Shoma
A. Chatterji reports how the hill station lost its glory
Political strife and protests are the order the day in the hills of Darjeeling |
Called
the Queen of the
Hills or The Crown of West Bengal, Darjeeling has been a global
melting pot of tourism for decades. Darjeeling tea is
internationally known as a beverage of exquisite taste and
aroma. The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway, which most children
refer to as the railway that ran the ‘toy train’, is a World
Heritage site. The 126-year-old cobalt blue narrow-gauge train
still chugs and snorts its way to Darjeeling via Ghoom, winding
its way along the serpentine route, against the shimmering
silver of the 8,598 metres above the sea level Kanchenjunga
range in the backdrop.
Along the way, it
leaves behind the lush, green-layered mantle of its velvet tea
gardens, shanty teashops with the smoke rising from earthen
cups, the locals helping themselves to their favourite momos and
thukpa, and huts with tin roofs.
"But
Darjeeling is a dying Queen of the Hills, ignored after the
British left the Raj. Its streets have become mean and violent,
and you see the furrows of economic decline etched on the faces
of the Nepalis living in small towns and working in the
sprawling tea gardens. The infrastructure is obsolete. It never
received the much-needed financial shot in the arm (like Sikkim
did from the Central Government) from the West Bengal
Government," says Satis Shroff, who has lived in Darjeeling
almost all his life.
The ‘toy train’ merrily chugs along its winding tracks on a journey to Darjeeling |
Years ago the
mountain spurs, on the slopes of which the hill station of
Darjeeling now stands, formed a part of the independent kingdom
of Sikkim and was covered with dense forests. The town of
Darjeeling alone is now inhabited by thousands of people
belonging to different creeds and races, but there were not more
than 200 inhabitants when the East India Company, which then
controlled British interests in India, first landed here. The
town has seen significant growth in its population, especially
since the 1970s. The annual growth rate reached 45 per cent in
the 1990s, far above the national, state and district averages.
With such growth,
the town, designed for a population of 10,000, began to face
severe lack of infrastructure. While environmental degradation,
including denudation of the surrounding hills has adversely
affected Darjeeling’s appeal as a tourist destination,
political turmoil and strife in the wake of struggle for an
independent state, too, eroded the idyllic appeal of this Queen
of the Hills.
By 2001, just 30
per cent of the tourists visiting India included Darjeeling in
their travel itinerary. As bulk of trade and business in
Darjeeling is dependent on tourism, the dwindling tourist inflow
has worsened the economic conditions. Consequently the hotel and
hospitality industry, cafes, eating places and restaurants,
curio shops, travel agencies, tour guides, private and public
transport systems, have been hit. The tea industry is in the
doldrums for nearly eight years now.
The Gorkha
National Liberation Front (GNLF), formed in 1980, is a political
party founded and headed by Subhas Ghising, with influence in
the northern part of the state. The formation of the party began
with violent demonstrations with the demand for a separate
Gorkha state in the Nepali-speaking northern areas. However, it
subsequently settled for a special package for the region.
According to
Mahendra P. Lama, Vice-Chancellor of Sikkim Central University,
who prepared the First Development Plan of the Darjeeling Gorkha
Hill Council (DGHC) in 1989, over the past 20 years of the DGHC,
many of the tea and cinchona plantations have closed down. Most
traditional means of livelihood have been destroyed. Hunger
deaths, suicides and human trafficking are rampant.
People in
Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong towns have been deprived of
drinking water for months on end, due to deterioration of the
eco-system. The only development plan that was ever made was the
first one in 1989. Funds are being drawn and utilised purely on
an ad hoc basis. The annual budget is as full of suspense as a
murder mystery. Social and civil unrest spills over with
incidents of political violence such as the murder of civil
society members and councillors, and intimidation of the media.
Rallying
point
The ethnic
aspirations of the Gorkha (local Nepali) community found a
reflection in the overwhelming support, often bordering on the
hystera, for Prashant Tamang, the local contestant, emerged last
year as Indian Idol 3 in the popular reality TV show.
There was an
unprecedented upsurge of sentiments spurred by fraternal
feelings. Wild-fire canvassing of support for Prashant Tamang
snowballed into a political movement suffused with ethnic
passion, tinged with anger and coloured by violence. These
feelings were further nourished by the the people’s
disillusionment with 20 years of Subhash Ghising’s autocratic
rule under the pretence of granting his people a ‘democratic’
way of life. Development took a beating and the lives of
citizens stood threatened.
Riding the crest
of Tamang’s victory was Bimal Gurung, the one-time close
associate of Ghising, who fell out with his leader and the GNLF
when he was expelled from it. He formed the Gorkha Janamukti
Morcha (GJM). In an amazing display of ‘loyalty’ and ‘solidarity’
hundreds of volunteers of the Prasant fan clubs dotting the
hills became GJM activists. By the time all the sound and music
around Tamang’s leap to stardom in the hills lost its lustre,
the GJM had acquired enough clout to take a quantum leap to
reach centre-stage in the politics of the hills.
Poor
governance
The panchayat
system that had beenintroduced with great difficulty remains
non-functional till date. The DGHC elections have not been held
for nine years. Some time back, the GNLF threatened to revive
its earlier demand for separate statehood if the Centre failed
to pass the Darjeeling Sixth Schedule Bill in the forthcoming
winter session of Parliament. The party leaders feel that by
signing the tripartite memorandum of settlement in December,
2005, the Centre stands committed to accord Sixth Schedule
status to Darjeeling. People, who had celebrated the Union
Cabinet’s endorsement of the move to grant Sixth Schedule
status to Darjeeling hills were, by October, 2007, rallying to
Bimal Gurung’s demand to revive the movement for an
independent Gorkha state.
In January, a
day-long strike by GJM supporters paralysed normal life in
Darjeeling hills. On February 6, 22 GJM cadres were arrested at
Bagdogra airport by security officials. They were waiting to
demonstrate against the GNLF chief who was to return that day
from Kolkata. As many as 60 members of Gurung’s party went on
a hunger-strike and stopped work for two days from February 12
in all three districts. They demanded scrapping of plans to
grant Sixth Schedule status to the region and called for the
removal of GNLF chief Subash Ghising as administrator of the
DGHC. From February 20, the GJM crippled life in the three
subdivisions of Darjeeling district in north Bengal along with
the economic blockade it enforced from February 17.
Ghising, who was
forced to let go the reins of power on March 10, after remaining
unchallenged at the helm of the DGHC for long, has now reverted
to the demand for a separate Gorkhaland. This turnaround would
have been amusing had it not spelt both political trouble and
economic distress for the people living there, for people from
outside who are working there, and students from across the
country who were forced to leave their hostels and return home.
Sixth
Schedule
The main plank of
GJM was to oppose the inclusion of the Darjeeling Hills under
the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, as they described it to
be "anti-people and anti-community". Though the
majority did not even know what the Sixth Schedule meant, no one
cared for a community’s division along tribal and non-tribal
lines. No one wanted to be left out of the decision-making
process as these decisions involved him or her in every way.
Most of all, no one liked the idea of being ruled by the GNLF
for another 20 years.
Maitreya Buddha
Samantaray, a Delhi-based security analyst, points out that it
is misleading to think that only the Hill Council will be
brought under the ambit of the proposed Sixth Schedule.
According to Article 44 of the Constitution, the entire state
and not the Hill Council alone will fall under the purview of
the Sixth Schedule. Thus all tribal groups in West Bengal, will
be governed by it. The tribal communities of the plains of North
Bengal such as the Koch, the Rajbongshis and the Boros, at
present covered under the Fifth Schedule, will acquire Sixth
Schedule status once the Bill is passed. With more groups
joining the list, the chances of more frequent, long-lasting and
extensive ethnic divisions between and among groups will also
increase manifold. This will create further divisions and unrest
in the competition for employment and reservation.
"Political leaders should be worried about the likely
security vulnerability froma wider perspective and work for
national interest," he points out. "The only way to
make the region prosperous is through full utilisation of its
natural resources and linking the output with Indian and global
markets. Investments in tourism, hydropower, tea industry,
farming and forestry, can fetch good revenue. The creation of a
hassle-free and secure environment is a pre requisite for
attracting investments," he observed.
Is the Queen of
Hills dying? Is the metaphorical crown slipping off? Can
Prashant Tamang or Prakriti Giri, a threatened finalist in Star
Plus’ reality show Chhote Ustad, take away the tragedy
of the ethnic hostilities that threaten to destroy the peace and
harmony of what was once among the most beautiful hill stations
in the world? Will the tourists flock the Chowrasta to give
pony-rides to their children or have themselves photographed in
local costumes against the backdrop of the picturesque hills?
Will they haggle with the sweater-selling Lepchas on the streets
of Darjeeling or be surprised by the twirls around the Batasiya
Loop? Will the children go back to their boarding schools and
their books and games in the hills? Will the toy train chug
along its winding tracks, leaving behind the colourful locals
sipping Darjeeling tea from their earthen teacups?
These are some of
the questions that haunt those who remember a different
Darjeeling.
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