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Pakistan Occupied Kashmir
– The Untold Story MUCH has flowed down the Indus since Pakistan sent in armed tribals in a bid to capture the then princely state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in 1948. The part of J&K under Indian control has been in the international limelight but little is heard, read or seen about the territory that remains under Pakistani occupation, especially northern areas comprising the north-western part of the state. PoK comprises two parts—the Muzaffarabad-Mirpur area called within Pakistan as Azad Kashmir and the remote mountainous areas of Gilgit—Baltistan, termed as northern areas. Azad Kashmir lies to the west of the Jammu-Poonch-Uri axis, while the northern areas lie to the north of Srinagar-Kargil-Siachen axis. Of J&K’s total area of 222,236 sq km, these account for 78,114 sq km. The northern areas are afflicted with abject poverty, mass illiteracy and unemployment. An oppressive regime and growing sectarian violence coupled with religious fundamentalism and the spillover of terrorist elements, have resulted in the area sitting on a powder keg, the fallout of which would have serious and far reaching political, economic and social consequences in the areas as well as neighbouring countries. The editors’ contention is that despite the expansion of electronic media and 24x7 news coverage, there is a surprising lack of knowledge about this region not only in India but also the world. The Pakistani establishment has always kept the region under wraps, restricting access to foreigners. Often projected as a nuclear flashpoint by some, the genesis of the conflict between India and Pakistanis forgotten and POK is seldom mentioned. The political developments are rarely monitored and it is also not very well known that the people of PoK are critical of the step-motherly treatment of the Pakistani government towards them. The editors argue that there is need to increase awareness about the political processes, events and developments in POK, so as to facilitate an objective assessment of the problems confronting the people of the region. Baroness Emma Nicholoson’s report to the European Parliament, highlighting the lack of democratic rights in PoK as been referred to here, as has been the Human Rights Watch, which has lamented the lack of basic human rights in that region. The book contains 11 research papers, each comprising an independent chapter, authored by eminent scholars who have been studying PoK in which they trace the circumstances surrounding Pakistan’s occupation of the territory, its current legal status and the volatile internal situation. In the chapter, Supression of Gilgit-Baltistan, Samuel Baid, former head of the Pakistan Desk in the UNI has pointed out that for the past 60 years Pakistan’s stand on this region has been very unsteady. While its leaders have made their people believe that this region belongs to Pakistan, yet in their own courts Pakistan has taken the stand that it is not possible to give the people of Gilgit-Baltistan any rights because the territories do not belong to it. Influx of outsiders, particularly Punjabis and Pukhtoons has created further problems like a decline in job opportunities for the local youth and brutalisation of sectarian violence. Commenting upon the growing alienation in Gilgit—Baltistan, Alok Bansal, a commander in the Indian Navy presently on a fellowship at the IDSA has pointed out that the region has become a stage for violent protests by the impoverished population. The people believe their unique ethno-cultural identity is threatened. The discontentment in the northern areas has been increasing over the years and besides ethnicity, has a strong sectarian undertone. The developments in that area will also have a bearing on Pakistan’s relations with China and Afghanistan. Former Joint Director, Intelligence Bureau, M.K. Dhar’s viewpoint is that Pakistan has effectively used the territories of PoK against Indian interests. He also highlights the military development and the augmentation of logistical infrastructure in the northern areas, especially after the 1999 Kargil conflict. Veteran journalist B.G. Verghese delves upon the Indus Water Treaty and calls for a second, "Indus-II" treaty which would include factors like soft borders, bilateral trades and cultural exchanges to act as catalysts to help diffuse cross-border tension through people-to-people exchanges. In their papers, P. Stobdan, Director for the Centre for Strategic and Regional Studies, Jammu University, Cdr Alok Bansal and Shafqat Inqalabi, spokesman for Balwaristan National Front have analysed the pre-Independence history of Gilgit-Baltistan, the manner in which Pakistan annexed it and the condition of the populace under Pakistani rule. Inqalabi reveals that in the northern areas there is neither a university nor professional colleges. There are just 12 high schools and two colleges which have no postgraduate facilities. There are no daily newspapers, radio or TV stations. Focusing on the economic exploitation of the region, he states lack of education had closed avenues of government jobs and the local populace draws its subsistence from agriculture in a feudal setup, tourism or by joining the Northern Light Infantry. Despite the region being disputed and Pakistan having no right to collect any tax, it collects almost Rs 3 billion as indirect taxes from goods imported into the region.
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