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Power and consent Who wants democracy? A democratic polity is often identified by the existence of constitutional government, where the power of leaders is checked and restrained; and representative institutions are based on free elections. But how does democracy work in India? For more than 50 years, political scientists have been trying to understand this but with little success. The reasons: huge population, marked differences between the haves and the have-nots, persistence of caste system, diverse cultures and religions, sectarian violence, regionalism, etc. Javeed Alam has made an attempt to study the nature of democracy in India and how the poor, despite going without adequate food and shelter for more than 50 years, have become the pillars for the success of this political philosophy. He is of the opinion that the beginning of democracy in India was the result of understanding between the elite on the one side and ordinary people on the other. Masses were promised relief from all their problems by the elite and in return the ordinary people gave them the power to rule. To understand the change in perception of democracy among people, he compares the situation in 1996 with that of 1971. And the most stunning revelations are: people value the system of representation, and the poor and vulnerable seem to be acquiring higher levels of democracy as compared to those who are better off. This democratic surge among the downtrodden had an impact on the fortunes of political parties. Unlike earlier conflicts which were largely intra-elite, contemporary conflicts represent the manoeuvre of the reactionary elite to contain this mass upsurge. The democracy has also broken the shackles of the dwija hegemony though they were first to take advantage of the end to the connection between status and occupation. Lower castes too feel important and free when this political philosophy permits them electoral participation. People who are at the lower end of the social hierarchy, got the space to move and breathe fresh air. Javeed also discusses the concept of collective unfreedom in Indian society unlike individual bondage in medieval Europe. The attitude of the Muslim community towards democracy is another dimension discussed in the book. Unlike popular perception that Muslims are alienated people in the Indian society, the author confirms overwhelming affirmation of democracy by Muslims in India. To understand this phenomenon, he highlights the changes within the Muslim community. In the chapter "Democracy and Making of Indian Nation", Javeed says that people from different linguistic-cultural regions have rejected the monolithic nation of India as embodied in Nehruvian understanding. The 1996 elections said it all as the vote share of national parties decreased by 12 per cent. Statistics say that now more people are concerned with the working of both the state as well as the Union Government. Javeed relates civil society with democratic values and discusses the complex association of these two unlike in most western democracies. In the epilogue, he analyses the voting pattern and behaviour in the 2004 General Election. The author concludes by highlighting various paradoxes in the functioning of democracy in India, like persistence of widespread poverty and mass illiteracy, along with consistency of democratic commitments on the part of the poor. Due to the unpredictable nature of people"s democratic behaviour, he doesen‘t comment upon the shape of Indian democracy a decade from now. It is a book which makes the reader understand the basic philosophy of democracy, its origin and development in India. And how the basic democratic principles were "amended" with time to fit into the Indian social system. A must-read for those who want to understand the changing political equations, voting behaviour, people‘s attitude towards democratic principles and the emerging challenges before it.
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