In a sorry state
R. L. Singal

Eyewitness Kashmir
by Arun Joshi.
Marshall Covendish Academic. Pages 260. $ 19.

Eyewitness KashmirKashmir today is a nuclear flashpoint after tests by India and Pakistan in 1998, rise in Islamic fundamentalism and the consequent terrorism post 9/11, and the extremely belligerent stance of the Pakistani leaders bordering on insanity. This is a media observer’s perceptive of the vicissitudes through which the unfortunate people of the state have passed during the past more than 57 years.

In six parts, the author discusses all relevant aspects of the Kashmir problem, but these are preceded by the chapter, Principal Players, which gives the reader a peep into the minds and motives and capabilities of the dramatis personae who have shaped the state’s destiny right from 1947.

We have intriguing pen-portraits of all these leaders, such as Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah (who founded the Muslim Conference in 1931 and later converted it into the National Conference under the influence of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and became the state’s first Prime Minister in 1947; he later became too ambitious to be trusted), his son Farooq Abdullah, his grandson Omar Abdullah, Abdul Ghani Bhat (a driving force behind the All Parties Hurriyat Conference), Syed Ali Shah Geelani (who espouses the cause of Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan), Moulvi Omar Farooq, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed (a rebel against the might of the National Conference, founder of the People’s Democratic Party and Chief Minister of the state since November, 2002) and Mehbooba Mufti (Mufti Mohammad Sayeed’s daughter, a rising star in Kashmir politics, both envied and admired).

Pakistan insists that the UN Resolution of January 5, 1949, proposing a plebiscite to ascertain the wishes of the people of Jammu and Kashmir is implemented, but it conveniently forgets that it never implemented the conditions laid therein. Now after 56 years, nobody can seriously attend to its clamour for a plebiscite.

History does not stand still and the part of the state under India’s control has been democratically integrated with India through several general elections held there, in which the people have fearlessly elected their representatives. The latest election held there was in October 2002, when observers from the world media were present and even the diplomatic missions of the USA and UK monitored the whole process and had all praise for its fairness.

Pakistan has also persistently ignored the Shimla Agreement signed between Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, according to which, the-then ceasefire line was converted into the Line of Control. It was also clearly laid down in that agreement that the dispute would be resolved bilaterally without the intervention of any third party. In fact, the tacit understanding between the two leaders that evening was that in course of time, the LoC would become the International Border.

In flagrant violation of this agreement, Pakistan today seeks international intervention, a posturing, which the author rightly says, pleases the USA. This posture secures for Pakistan the twin objectives of pleasing the USA and averting the latter’s pressure on its terrorist network, its role in raising the Taliban and covertly supporting the Al-Qaeda.

India on her part attributes the whole problem to the export of terrorism from Pakistan that has numerous terrorist-training camps in occupied Kashmir. Pakistan has repeatedly called Kashmir the unfinished agenda of the sub-continent’s Partition based on Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s two-nation theory. This, they intend to accomplish partly by extermination and partly by expulsion of the intellectual class of Kashmiri Pandits from the valley.

The community was considered as the last bastion of India in the predominantly Kashmiri Muslim valley, and the Muslim terrorists from across the border had clear instructions from the Pakistani ISI to completely exterminate the infidels. Instead of halting this insurgency, General Musharraf calls the terrorists freedom fighters.

All talk of Kashmiriyat on part of these Hindu baiters was hollow. Kashmiri Pandits were told in no uncertain terms: "Pack up and go." Those who resisted were massacred. Indira Gandhi’s tragic death in 1984 orphaned the community politically. She had been proud of the Kashmiri blood in her veins and tried her best to help them. "Rajiv Gandhi," the author writes, "was hardly as politically astute or attached to his roots in Kashmir as his mother had been." He had little time to listen to their tales of woe. He also ignored the alarming signals in the reports of Governor Jagmohan. To whom could the unfortunate community turn for solace and support?

So many tragedies have marred the history of Kashmir since 1947 and so many complexities have arisen that it is difficult to foresee the future with certainty. Those who advocate independence for Kashmir forget that it could lead to the birth of another Islamic nation in the sub-continent. We have already experienced this in Bangladesh, despite Mujib-ur-Rehman’s sincere efforts to the contrary.

The author cogently writes in his conclusion: "So where do we go from here—live within the current boundaries with India and Pakistan guaranteeing self respect to the people and opening the frontiers. Is that, perhaps the way out?" Yes, that is the only solution that can bring peace. Convert the LoC into an international border and make it soft, as it is between the USA and Canada. Otherwise, it will continue to be a nuclear flashpoint.

The book is an admirable piece of modern history of Jammu and Kashmir, and makes absorbing reading.

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