Oppression as part of gender relations
Belu Jain-Maheshwari

Countering Gender Violence: Initiatives Towards Collective Action in Rajasthan.
by Kanchan Mathur.
Sage Publications, New Delhi. Pages 379. Rs 395.

Countering Gender Violence: Initiatives Towards Collective Action in Rajasthan.Understanding gender relations has become a subject of much discussion, debate and discourse. Power is seen as a central characteristic of gender relations; traditional values give men proprietary rights over women. Gender relations are formed through social institutions, cultural practices and ascription of status. These are reinforced through their historical reproduction, primordial legitimate and patriarchal feudalistic structuration.

Women’s oppression is part of gender relations. Violence against women includes physical, sexual, psychological and economic abuse. It is often known as gender-based violence because it evolves in part from women’s subordinated status in society. Many cultures have beliefs, norms and social institutions that legitimise and therefore perpetuate violence against women. The same acts that would be punished if directed against an employee, a neighbour or an acquaintance often go unchallenged when men direct them at women, especially within the family.

Domestic violence is still regarded as a "private" matter not as an issue meriting "public" concern or as a crime that the state must prosecute and punish. To the extent that the control of women’s sexuality and physical integrity is regarded as a matter of family or community "honour" rather than personal autonomy and individual right.

Women can be molested, raped, burnt, beaten or ostracised, but a veil of silence surrounds the event. While the families cocoon the silence, the state continues to protect the perpetrators.

In many cultures, women are taught to accept, tolerate and even rationalise domestic violence. They grow up believing that their value is determined by the men in their lives, be it fathers, brothers, husbands and sons.

According to the author, theories of why violence against women occurs are many—biological, economic, psychological, socio-psychological, sociological and political. Mathur says theories that attempt to understand violence in all its complexity cover a wide spectrum of concerns. They seek to understand the reason for the widespread cross-class/strata, cross-cultural and cross-institutional experiences of gender-specific violence, and locating explanations of individual cases in terms of universal phenomena.

The most commonly used theoretical framework within which violence on women is located is "patriarchy". A second process occurs through a powerful ideology of rigidly assigned roles for women, which act as boundaries for all their actions so that any effort to step over the boundaries by performing other roles attracts quick retribution.

The book is a study of gender relations in Rajasthan and lists some famous cases e.g. Roop Kanwar’s Sati (1987) and Bhanwari Devi gang rape case (1992). It deals with socially constructed practices (like Sati, Johar, female infanticide and child marriages) prevalent in the state. Rajasthan being a backward state, the position of women is within the feudalistic and patriarchal framework.

A good woman conforms to customary norms of ideal behaviour. The boundaries dividing the "good" woman from the "bad" one are more clearly delineated. The power relation is tilted in favour of men. To understand this phenomenon requires an analysis of the institutions of the state and society, the conditioning and socialisation of individuals and the nature of economic and social exploitation. State measures to counter gender violence against women since the 1950s, both as mechanisms for redress and protection, have been segmental.

The author deals with initiatives taken to counter gender violence through Women’s Development Programme, the role of NGO’s like Tilonia, media and academia. The role of Sathins (primary workers) comes for critical appraisal.

The vexed situation of withdrawing the Sathins from the WDP and handing over the charge to Samooh and again going back to Sathin is detailed. Mathur forthrightly says that the WDP has been enveloped in the fold of government hierarchies, power structures and targets.

The book’s major contribution is listing ways to fight gender violence. From steps like state measures to process of collectivisation, which helps in inculcating a sense of commonality, to recognising and naming violence, identifying it as an assault on the woman’s being.

This also includes deconstructing women’s images and making them realise their self worth. The author draws a linkage between violence and women’s empowerment in all spheres.

This is a well-researched work, based both on theoretical as well as empirical studies. However, in a state like Rajasthan, steeped in the concept of worshipping Sati and Jauhar, countering gender violence is an uphill task. Till the struggle for development is not made synonymous with the struggle for human rights (women included), the objective will not be attained.

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