Cast in prejudice
Surinder S. Jodhka

Political Sociology of Dalit Assertion
by Prakash Louis.
Gian Publishing House. Pages 326. Rs 495.

Written in the backdrop of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in Durban, South Africa, in 2001, the book offers an account of the emerging Dalit identity and politics in contemporary India. The book has been written with an activist’s perspective and is addressed primarily to those directly involved with political mobilisations of the Dalits or those who are sympathetic to their cause.

Prakash Louis begins with the assertion that though many changes have indeed come about in the older structures of caste hierarchy, large masses of the Dalits continue to live in misery and experience caste oppression even today. In some ways, the violence perpetrated on them has grown.

There are also some new forms of discrimination. For example, teashops and restaurants that were earlier found only in urban centre have now come up even in rural areas. Unlike the city, there is no anonymity in the village. There have been reports from some parts of India of the Dalits being served tea/coffee in different sets of cups in these shops.

Caste, according to Louis, is certainly about hierarchy, but it is also about discrimination and exclusion. Discrimination means "denial of opportunities and rights to certain groups on the basis of race, sex, ethnicity, age or disability". Caste is "the most de-humanising" form of discrimination and exclusion.

Discrimination against the Dalits assumes diverse forms. The proportion of the Dalits owning agricultural land, for example, is much less than other groups. They are less educated and the number of those in positions of power and influence among them is much less than their numbers in the total population.

Apart from their marginal position in socio-political and economic sphere, they also continue to encounter strong prejudice. The five decades of Independence and democratic experience seem to have made little difference to "the culture of inequality" that comes with the caste system.

Based on several workshops that the author conducted on the subject in six different states of north India, he found that the dominant castes continued to perceive the Dalits as being "dirty", "cunning", "lazy and good for nothing", "dishonest" and with "loose morals".

On the contrary, the self-perceptions of the Dalits were just the opposite. They viewed themselves as "honest", "hardworking", "sensitive" and "talented". A full chapter of the book has been devoted to the examination of various provisions in the Constitution dealing with the Dalits rights and affirmative action for their development. While some of these provisions have been part of the Constitution right from its inception, many more were added later.

Though the direct impact of these provisions has been limited, they have played an important role in making the Dalits aware of their rights. It is in this context that one should view the rise of the Dalit identity and growing assertion among them. Assertion is not merely a case of protest. It is about making a positive statement for recognition, about claiming one’s rights.

Movements for the Dalit identity are not simply about politicisation of caste. These mobilisations are a "multi-faceted, multi-layered and multi-pronged" phenomenon. They have followed diverse trajectories in different regions of India. Notwithstanding these diversities, the Dalit politics has come to stay and Louis claims that it "will alter the very structure of Indian society".

There have also been occasions when diverse Dalit groups have come together. The Durban conference of 2001 was one such occasion. Though some questioned the validity of treating caste at par with race, it nevertheless helped the Indian Dalits in taking their case to the world outside.

While the author’s commitment to the Dalit cause is certainly commendable, what is completely missing in his analysis of the Dalit identity and politics is any kind of critical assessment. Given the disadvantaged position of a vast majority of the Dalits, one can only feel positive about the growing assertion among them. Yet to expect that all Dalit politics will always be radical, as the author assumes, could prove counter-productive.

However, this is not to undermine the value of the book. Apart from giving us a useful overview of the Dalit politics today, Louis provides us with a useful introduction to various categories/words that have come to be used in the discourse of the Dalit identity and the Dalit politics in India.

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