Unsupported by any institution,
Historical Dictionary of Pakistan is Burki’s own initiative
and single-handed achievement. The book opens with a
chronological statement of 35 pages listing important events
that have occurred from Muhammad Ibn Qasim’s invasion of Sind
in 712, to Prime Minster Nawaz Sharif’s meeting with Soviet
President Boris Yeltsin for the establishment of desirable peace
and security in the region. In his introduction of twenty-eight
pages, Burki focuses on the circumstances leading to the
creation of Pakistan, the mode of governance in Pakistan, the
rise of regionalism and other critical problems that the country
has faced.
Of special
interest is a section relating to the military regimes and their
impact on the public. The rest of the book includes the
alphabetical dictionary, bibliography and a list of Pakistan’s
Governors-General, Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chiefs of the
Army Staff. There was no Prime Minister in Pakistan from May
1988 to December 1988.
A random selection
of entries from the dictionary portion would show that the
editor’s aim was to give short and straightforward accounts of
the notable personalities and events without frills. On some of
the leading political figures, the information provided is
sketchy. Sir Mian Fazli Hasan and Sikandar Hyat Kban’s
antipathy to Jinnah and the Muslim League is ignored. Sir
Muhammad Iqbal is presented as a herald and father of Pakistan,
but his love for a united India in the early part of his poetry
is omitted. The information on the demolition of the Babri
mosque in December in 1998 is trite. On the Kashmir dispute, the
focus is on the Indo-Pak wars, but the constitutional aspects of
the contentious issues are ignored. However, the account of the
Unionist Party (334- 335) is candid and lucid.
There are
significant omissions of certain significant features of the
personalities and events covered in this volume. On Faiz Ahmed
Faiz the main emphasis is on his involvement in the Rawalpindi
case. Burki does not mention that some of Faiz’s poems,
remarkable for their poetic quality and eloquence, had become
very popular in Pakistan because he had debunked in a subtle
manner the authoritarian regime of Zia-ul- Haq. To save himself
from the wrath of the Pakistani dictator, Faiz had left
Pakistan. His receiving the prestigious Lenin award had also
become suspect in the eyes of the conservative government.
There is an
interesting account on the Habib family, which had won the
confidence of Jinnah because of financial aid the family gave to
the Muslim League during its struggle for the attainment of
Pakistan. After the Partition the family was generously rewarded
and became one of the 22 richest and politically most
influential in Pakistan. What are these 22 families? This
expression of 22 families was first used by Mahbubul Haq, Chief
Economist of the Planning Commission, on April 21, 1968. Haq
maintained that just 22 families in Pakistan owned 66 per cent
of the industrial wealth and controlled 87 per cent of the
assets of the banking and insurance industries. Haq’s findings
had a profound political impact on Pakistan. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
used these findings to discredit Ayub Khan’s regime and built
his political career to seize power. His government later
nationalised 31 large industries and took control of all the
private banks and insurance companies.
Anyone reading
this volume would be interested in looking for the entry on
Jinnah. The entry gives only a bare outline of his political
ideas. Nor is there any reference to the external influences on
his political thinking.
The main
difficulty in the work lies in its structure. Mixing
personalities and events is bound to disturb the structured
unity of the book. But the criticism does not detract the
singular achievement of Burki. The scheme of such a work has to
be prepared on a big scale and financially supported by some
generous agency in a cooperative and not individualistic manner.
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