The Hindutva way
of imagining the nation has coincided with its "new ways of
thinking about the social aspects of space." He refers to
three distinct spatial strategies that contemporary Hindutva has
employed in recent history. These centre around sacred sites
(like the campaign for the liberation of the Babri Masjid-Ram
Janambhoomi in Aydhoya), areas (the ‘Idgah maidan flag
hoisting’ controversy at Hubli), routes (Advani’s rathyatra
to Ayodhya, Joshi’s Kanyakumari to Kashmir yatra, and
Narendra Modi’s Gaurav Yatra in Gujarat; also
processions like the Ganesh utsav in Hyderabad and Shiv jayanti
procession in Bhiwandi).
Reflecting on the
sudden visibility of caste among the supposedly ‘casteless’,
homogenised urban middle classes in the aftermath of the
agitation against reservation, Deshpande examines the four
elements of the popular view on the subject: First, caste
inequality has lessened considerably over a period of time as a
result of the reservation policy though only a minority within
the SC-ST-OBC group has cornered most of the benefits.
Second, the
concept of caste has undergone a process of politicisation with
the numerically stronger backward and middle castes dominating
the electoral politics. This implies reverse discrimination
against upper castes.
Third, given the
great degree of variation in the economic and social status of
members of every caste group, it is misleading to use caste per
se as an objective criterion to decide backwardness or
forwardness of individual members.
Fourth, the main
aspect of caste discrimination, namely untouchability, has been
outlawed and adequate legislative measures have been undertaken
to remove caste inequalities. Ironically, it is the middle
castes and not the upper castes that are the main perpetrators
of the caste system.
Deshpande agrees
that the conditions of the marginal caste groups have improved
but then asks whether this improvement has been sufficient.
Drawing upon the data collected by the National Sample Survey
Organisation (NSSO) the author holds that "caste continues
to be a major fault line of economic inequality in contemporary
India." He concludes that, contrary to what commonsense
holds, even after more than half century of independence
"caste inequality has been and is being reproduced in
independent India."
Then Deshpande
moves to the "centrality of the middle class`85a product of
the developmental regime." Deshpande, however,
sarcastically remarks that with the gradual eclipse of the idea
of development "one could no longer be confident that the
middle class, the developmental state, and the nation were
marching in step." The middle classes have since then
gradually distanced themselves from the idea of nation state and
its development.
The processes of
globalisation and localisation have seen the emergence of
subnational loyalties as well as the lure of transnational
identities among the ‘new’ middle classes seeking ‘adjustment’.
Thus having consolidated its social, economic and political
standing, this new class, especially its upper segment, is all
set to corner the benefits of globalisation. All the issues like
modernity, the nation, Hindutva, or the middle class, seem to
veer around to the overarching theme of "globalisation and
the geography of cultural regions." Deshpande suggests that
the processes of globalisation that produce "a sort of
identity anxiety" should be accompanied by the growth of
"particularistic cultural identities of all kinds."
The book is
extremely readable and reflects a refreshing approach. It
succeeds in its endeavour to persuade the readers to go
"beyond commonsense" to understand the critical issues
relating to contemporary India. Drawing liberally from the
recent literature on relevant themes it comes across as an
original work that can easily be hailed as among the best in its
genre.
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