Sadly, the conduct and the attitude of its members leave much to
be desired. Most of the members do not take the proceedings
seriously. They do not take down notes during the proceedings.
Nor do they take pains to do the necessary homework before
coming to Parliament.
The Question Hour
is not being put to proper use. The Zero Hour too has lost its
sanctity. The members seem to make use of this hour more for
testing their lungpower than on raising issues of importance.
Added to this is the thin attendance after the lunch recess.
Precious time, money and energy are being wasted on meaningless
arguments and quibbling equivocations. Parliament may be treated
as a debating society by some members, but it is much more than
that. It is a forum for effective interaction of views and
opinions among the members, not an organisation for exchanging
blows and fisticuffs. Walkouts at the drop of a hat and
abstentions even when serious issues are discussed have marred
the reputation of Parliament.
Even as Parliament
grapples with the problems relating to its day-to-day business,
its operational efficiency largely depends on the changing
political permutations and combinations. The coalition
governance at the Centre, for instance, has given a new thrust
and orientation to the very concept and essence of parliamentary
democracy. Coalition governments at the Centre have brought with
them rights as well as duties for members in both the treasury
and the Opposition benches.
Nowadays, the
ruling party cannot ride roughshod over the Opposition. In fact,
such is the situation that the BJP, the leading partner in the
Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led National Democratic Alliance
Government, will have to keep all the coalition partners in good
humour for its own survival! At the same time, the Opposition
too cannot afford to be complacent or act in an irresponsible
manner. It will have to do its homework well in order to keep
the government on its toes as also censure it from time to time
for its acts of omission and commission.
The book does full
justice to the theme. It has good articles on the various issues
concerning Parliament, contributed by known writers. Journalists
Pran Chopra and Harish Khare, former Union Home Secretary Madhav
Godbole, Chairman of New Delhi’s Centre for Public Affairs
Murlidhar Bhandare, a former IAS officer (Andhra Pradesh cadre)
who is now Director of Hyderabad’s Foundation for Democratic
Reforms, Dr Jayaprakash Narayan, have all penned well-documented
articles.
In his article
Fifty years of Indian Parliament, the late Vice-President
Krishan Kant succinctly elucidates the various phases of
Parliament and opines that it will not only evolve a
"higher level of development, making the shortcomings a
distant memory, but also rise up to the role history has
assigned to it."
In his article
Parliamentary reform in India, Prof S.K. Chaube, a former
Professor of Political Science, Delhi University, raises some
apprehensions on the suitability of introducing the German
Parliament’s system of "constructive vote of no
confidence" in India. However, this system is worthy of
emulation. People are aware of how the 13-month-old Vajpayee
government was defeated in the Lok Sabha just by one vote on
April 17, 1999, plunging the country into political turmoil.
It is widely
believed that there would have been no constitutional crisis or
even the need for the 1999 general election had the German
system been in vogue in India. Above all, this system will act
as a deterrent on those who are bent on dislodging duly elected
governments by hook or by crook, without suggesting an
alternative leader who commands the majority support of
Parliament.
The book will be
liked by all those interested in the evolution and growth of our
Parliament. More important, it is expected to serve as a good
reference book for students of political science at the graduate
and post-graduate level. The price of the book is prohibitive.
It should have been reasonable for wider reach, especially
students.
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