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Professional academic scholarship
is invariably withdrawn, apolitical and private. The absorption
of intellectual life by the universities marks the decline, if
not the elimination, of the intellectual in a commodified and
bureaucratised society. The intellectual derives all his
authority and power from the university he or she is attached to
and is content in being a closeted literature professor, with a
secure income and no interest in dealing with literature and its
relevance to the world outside the classroom.
Only those who can
market their goods or credentials are accepted; the public and
critical function of the intellectual seems to have almost
disappeared, though a few like Foucault, Said or conscientious
academics and activists like Jensen are figures who live out
their ideas in a manner that is socially and politically
meaningful. It is the duty of the literary intellectual to
reject ‘corporate thinking’ and in the words of Said,
"raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and
dogma, to be someone who cannot easily be co-opted and whose raison
d’etre is to represent all those people and issues which
are routinely forgotten or swept under the rug." It is an
eye opener that when academics like Rahul Mahajan or Jensen
wanted to engage in free and uninhabited debate at the
University of Texas by asking Henry Kissinger at his forthcoming
visit to explain why he had constantly worked against the
democratically elected government of Chile in the 1970s, or
supported General Suharto in his use of American weapons for the
carnage in East Timor in 1975 or comment on his role in the
killings of thousands of Cambodians in 1969, his visit to the
university was cancelled on the ground that student activists
had "threatened to endanger public safety." Free
speech is thus taken as anti-establishment; dissent is
demonised. The individual must raise his voice against any such
restrictions. As Jensen recently wrote to me when I told him
about the complaint against me from an engineer in the West for
writing against the American foreign policy, "Glad to hear
you aren’t getting in too much trouble. It’s funny how many
people believe that academic freedom should mean the freedom to
express oneself within conventional boundaries. We have the same
problem here, of course."
It has to be made
clear to the authorities that face-to-face discussions, civil
disobedience and protests are some of the legitimate ways of
resistance used by political dissidents who otherwise have
restricted opportunities of being heard. Here lies the joy of
dissidence, taking radical ideas ‘from the margins to the
mainstream’. As Jensen rightly argues, the practice of writing
has to be encouraged as each one of us has the potential, and as
freelance writers we must sell our writing as often as possible.
Let us be clear
that all events are texts to be analysed. It is not merely the
understanding of interpretations and commentaries on
events but an attempt to clarify fundamental questions about the
nature of their relationship to the whole fabric of cultural,
social and political reality. This involves, to use Wayne Booth’s
expression, the "overstanding" of texts as nothing but
social texts. The academic’s overstanding gaze sees the wider
universe of cultural or political discourse, the sign system,
the social order of which the text is but a symptom. The whole
exercise of radical analyses thus becomes intertextual. Jensen’s
book is a provocation to the academic to adopt the role of being
useful in a big, violent, noisy world outside the library and
the seminar room. Living in society one has to come to grips
with the dynamics of domination and submission and thereby go to
the ‘root of the issue’ may it be feminism, rape,
transformation of the curriculum or the overturning of
hierarchies; this is radical politics (radicalis in Latin
stands for ‘root’) which will assist the process of
empowering the powerless through a trickle-down effect from
academe to the wide world.
Resisting the
absorption of intellectual life by the universities or other
state institutions, the intellectual must resist the retreat
from the public realm and possess the attributes of
"commitment and risk, boldness and vulnerability" so
necessary for an activist to stand in opposition to ‘think-tanks’
and refuse to be ‘neutered’. Hair-raising radicalism must
confront the social and theoretical challenges of our time,
ready to interrogate the existing assumptions through ‘writing
dissent’. This is a lesson for journalists, activists and
academics.
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