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The 1950 hard-line extreme document of National Security Council
Memorandum 68 laid down the need to bring about economic and
political deterioration in the Soviet Union to gain an upper
hand in the balance of power as well as adhere to the policy of
‘sacrifice and discipline’ which would involve more
expenditure on armaments and severely cut down budget on welfare
service. And as regards the working of democracy in different
parts of the world, it was decided to put down ‘too much of
dissent’.
Woodrow Wilson,
the so-called great apostle of liberty and self-determination,
had many decades ago explained that the Monroe Doctrine had only
one motive: "the United States considers only its own
interests." Haiti and the Dominican Republic were invaded
during his time, and after heavy bloodshed, the American
corporates were allowed to entrench themselves within the
economy of the country with final profits finding an easy but a
subterranean route into the US’s exchequer. Business interests
and the exploitation of the working class for national
reconstruction, these were at the top of the priority list.
This policy was
implemented way back in the late forties when America hired the
services of Reinjhard Gehlen, the director of Nazi intelligence
on the Eastern Front, to supervise espionage in Eastern Europe.
A Nazi-US alliance was to take full shape in the interference
and control over much of Latin America. Hitler’s armies in the
Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were to receive full military
support from this joint venture.
The entire globe
from Western Europe to South Asia, from the Far East to South
America came under the grand plan of US foreign policy. It would
come as a shock to many that President Roosevelt appointed Jean
Darlan, a leading Nazi collaborator and the author of the
anti-Semitic laws promulgated by the Vichy government (the Nazis’
puppet regime in France), as the Governor-General of French
North Africa.
Local communist
parties and workers’ movements were the real threat and this
was what the USA feared more than the Soviet Union. And no
efforts were spared to take control over them even if it meant
collaboration with the enemy, i.e., the Nazi fascist leaders.
For instance, the peasant and workers’ union in Italy which
had successfully overpowered six German divisions during the war
were completely annihilated by the allied forces so that a
fascist regime was finally installed, a strategic move of going
back to the pre-war fascism that suited the US foreign policy.
In Nicaragua, in El Salvador and in Guatemala the American
forces used "brutal, sadistic torture – beating infants
against rocks, hanging women by their feet with their breasts
cut off and the skin of their faces peeled back so that they’ll
bleed to death, chopping people’s heads off and putting them
on stakes." This unusual punishment was given with the
purpose of crushing "independent nationalism and popular
forces that might bring about meaningful democracy".
This is not the
end of Uncle Sam’s story of brutalities. Chomsky goes on to
write about Vietnam, Laos, Grenada, Iran, Chile, the invasion of
Panama, the Gulf War, all with the purpose of informing the
general public of the misdeeds that they are so unaware of. His
motive is to change consciousness, increase insight and
understanding of the larger interests of hegemonic powers so
that the culture of resistance can some day bring about decent
human existence and freedom. Weeding through the crap, Chomsky
takes you where few have the courage to tread.
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IF
anyone hopes to find any favourable views on American foreign
affairs and its involvement in human rights issues, he will not find
them in this book. Some do take America as the defender of
democracy, but this book will show how her blatant involvement in
international politics is incredibly brutal and neo-fascist.
