|
On Gujarat and the recent happenings there, Desai rightly says,
"for far too long, observers and practitioners of Indian
politics have tended to underestimate the dangers represented by
Hindutva". She feels that the politics of the Indian middle
castes would not be able to put the brakes on Hindutva, and
regrets that "Gujarat has become a byword for casteism and
communalism". She goes on to add, "violence against
lower castes, tribals, Muslims and Christians has become
routine", and that the first large-scale post-Independence
communal riots in Gujarat took place in 1969, "marking
then, as they still do, the violent assertion of a predominantly
Hindu propertied classes against the sizeable Muslim commercial
and business element in the state". Hindutva has spread its
reach to the "large community of overseas Indians",
and within the country it "attempts to unite upper and, if
less successfully middle castes, to constitute a more coherent
power group". Desai concludes with the hope that the
"horrific" example of Gujarat will not be followed by
the rest of the country. One only hopes that average Indian will
wake up to the dangers emanating from fundamentalism among the
majority community.
Nanda’s
narrative highlights to a lesser degree the dangers that
Hindutva politics represent. She writes that, "with the
rise of Hindu nationalism, Indian democracy has taken a
fascistic turn". India is being defined as a "Hindu
nation", with Muslims and Christians being cast as the
source of the country’s "defilement and
degradation". Interestingly, the Sikhs, another major
Indian minority, do not find a mention anywhere in the book.
Nanda feels that the only way to deal with Hindutva is by
ensuring its complete secularisation.
There were many,
Nanda writes, who resisted the aggressive strides of Hinduism
after Independence. Bhim Rao Ambedkar converted to Buddhism in
1956 and is reported to have told Mahatma Gandhi, "I was
born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu". Nanda says that
Ambedkar in his book, Annihilation of Caste (1936), had
declared that the real enemy "is not the people who observe
caste, but the shashtras that teach them this religion of
caste". The author writing about the practice of sati says,
"As long as there are people who continue to treat sati as
an act of piety, women will continue to burn". She points
out that whereas a widow is treated as "inauspicious"
among high Hindu castes, on committing sati she actually
begins to be "worshipped like a goddess in these same
communities". Nanda also takes a swipe at how the (nuclear)
bomb and the science behind it are being packaged in a ‘Hindu
idiom’ by the schools, temples and the entertainment media,
who say that all these ultramodern sciences find mention in the
ancient texts of yore. Today the names of some our missiles are
Agni, the fire god, and Trishul, the trident and the symbol of
Lord Shiva.
The conclusion of
both the books is clear. The harsh contours of Hindutva have to
be blunted by secular Indians. One has to concur with Nanda when
she warns, "Hindutva parties are in the process of
redefining the ideals of democracy, secularism and social
justice into the idiom of Vedic Hinduism". One hopes that
they do not succeed.
|