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There are no easy answers to
unending questions, ifs, buts and whys.
In this entire
sordid drama, where in, script and dialogue was written by
bullets and blood and innocent lives snuffed out, there are no
winners. There are plenty of losers. As one looks over the
shoulder, while going through the ''heavy'' stuff that the
author has packed in the book, it emerges that there were, in
fact, only two major characters, call them actors or villains:
''the Sikh militants and the Indian state''.
As a scribe, one
has either punched on the computer or run through thousands of
accounts of that time period of violence (militancy or
terrorism). By now it is apparent that the book under review is
different. It deals more with the ''other'', the 'condemned'
Sikh youth—the militant. Broadly speaking, it is a document
that tries to understand the ''other'' ; it is a discourse
between two opposing camps. Over a period of time, one has seen
either side being blamed for what Punjab has suffered. There has
not been a focused study, so far, on violence per se. Perhaps,
Birinder Pal Singh holds the key to this particular aspect of
the Punjab crises of mid-80s that ended towards the end of 1992.
The author leads
the reader by first stating the ''problem of political
violence'' and gradually opens the door to ''Sikh militant
movement'' before elaborating on the ''The state in india''.
While proceeding with his arguments and hypothesis, the reader
is invited to look at the ''Dialectic of militant violence''
before he finally endeavours to "Making sense of discourse
of violence'' and as he bids good-bye, he adds an ''Epilogue''.
There is no doubt
that the author has painstakingly collected, collated,
collaborated and co-related available literature on every
burning issue that concerns Punjab, be it historical,
administrative, legal, economic, social, religious, regional,
cultural or political. The author has philosophically weaved the
mosaic of ''Violence as political discourse'' giving an
impression as if he has a ''soft'' corner for the ''other'' .
In a classic way,
he has concluded that ''Punjab and Sikh'' are synonyms and
discrimination by the Indian state against one means
discrimination against the other, as well.
He has divided
violence into four distinct phases: 1978-80 (when the Nirankari
episode took place); 1981-84; 1984-85 and 1986-1992. He has
explained all these four phases at length.
He has also
enunciated that whatever has happened in Punjab since mid-80s
has also to be viewed and understood in the context of four
major ''events''—Partition of India and Pakistan in 1947;
Partition of Punjab and Haryana in 1966; The Sikh-Nirankari
clash in Amritsar in 1978; and the Operation Bluestar followed
by massacre of Sikhs in 1984.
The first two
''events'' he describes as ''division of body'' and the latter
two events as ''division of soul''. These ''events'', he says,
had a ''hermeneutic significance in influencing the psyche of
the Sikhs in general and militants in particular''.
The book, in fact,
encompasses all conceivable factors and facets of Punjabi life,
while, building up the hypothesis that Birinder Pal Singh later
proves. His discourse on militants, their literature (largely
displaying a strong streak of Marxist influence), comparative
inferences and influences with similar ''movements'' elsewhere
in the world, the chaos and confusion caused by the phase of
violence in the Sikh mind, the transformation of the Sikh
psyche, the distortions in Sikh politics and religion, the
''attack'' on the Sikh 'bana and baní' , the
trauma of troubled Sikh minds, the political machination of the
State et al have all been discussed. The same is true of the
role of the State, particularly of the politicians, bureaucrats
and more so of the police.
The book shows
objectivity as well as traces of subjectivity when the author
describes the two main characters, the Sikh militants and the
Indian State, as ''mirror images.'' The author also attempts to
project the socio-economic and political ideology followed by
the militants through the prism of religion and goes on to list
farmers' problems and how diminishing income returns from farms
also influenced militants' ideology and actions.
The book is
replete with knowledge and information that should help
policy-makers take appropriate decisions, so that ''violence as
political discourse'' does not re-visit Punjab. Economy,
emotions, regional and religious identities and sentiments are
well-welded in pluralistic Punjabi society. It makes for serious
reading and helps to gain understanding of the Punjabi psyche as
well as it’s problems.
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