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Sunday
, July 14, 2002
Books

Attempt to answer routinely evaded queries
Mohindar Pal Kohli

Autonomy or Secession: Jammu and Kashmir
by Bhim Singh. Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi. Pages 144. Rs 250.

DEEPLY involved in the affairs of J&K, the President of the Panthers Party, Bhim Singh in his treatise Autonomy or Secession, has argued that the central government, the media, the politicians and the intellectuals have failed to appreciate that the Kashmir Government’s demand for autonomy amounts to secession. In this study the author demonstrates his conviction and political will to answer some questions routinely evaded by even jurists.

J&K is the only state in India where Article 370 of the Indian Constitution restrains the Indian Parliament from promulgating any legislation in respect of the state. Incidentally, the state has its own Constitution, flag and civil and criminal procedure code, which were introduced by Maharaja Ranbir Singh in the late 19th century. The state has its own People’s Representation Act. Though the fundamental rights in Chapter III of the Constitution of India are applicable to J&K, yet the state has the power to enact the state detention laws. It has its own Public Safety Act, promulgated by Sheikh Abdullah in 1978.

As far as the question of citizenship is concerned, the Constitution of India is applicable to J&K, but no citizen of India can be treated as permanent resident of the state even by the state legislature. There are about 1,50,000 Indian citizens, without civil and citizenship rights in J&K, who migrated from the territory now called Pakistan in 1947, though they have been given permission to reside in the state.

 


The Presidential order issued on November 15, 1952, abolishing the authority of the ruler of J&K, was totally violative of the Article 370, though the state had been brought under the cover of autonomy from the date of signing of the first Presidential order on January 26, 1950 in order to put a check on the powers retained by the Maharaja for himself as ruler of the state. In the name of autonomy the people of the state were denied the civil liberties they enjoyed under the state Constitution of 1939.

Autocratic rulers later governed the state through the system of Praetorian guards, locally dubbed as kuntrich-pandah (twenty nine and fifteen). The group of hooligans 29/15 was created by Sheikh Abdullah and was used by the Bakhshi regime as a ‘peace brigade’. Thousands were put in jails. Even Shyama Prasad Mookerjee died in jail under mysterious circumstances.

The Autonomy Resolution was adopted on June 26, 2000. Dr Karan Singh had resigned as chairman of the committee, suspecting it to be a document of secession. While conceding to the centre the control over defence, foreign affairs and communications, the resolution seeks independence from Election Commission of India, the Supreme Court and the CAG, the abolition of the Emergency provisions, the deletion of the entire chapter of fundamental rights, doing away with the reservation of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, and replacing the central services with state services. The resolution demands a change in the nomenclatures of the governor and the chief minister into that of Sadar-i-Riyast and the PM respectively, which were changed in 1965 by an amendment in the Constitution and later rejected by Mrs Gandhi in 1975.

A history of Kashmir from the time Raja Gulab Singh undertook to pay Rs 75 lakhs under the Treaty of Amritsar up to the signing of the Instrument of Accession on October 25, 1947, has been traced with a focus on the events that impacted the course of history.

The writer writes in detail about the Indira-Sheikh accord of November 13, 1974, which declared that the state would continue to be governed by Article 370 without disclaiming, questioning or disrupting the sovereignty and integrity of the country or bringing about secession... or causing insult to the Indian National Flag, Indian National Anthem and the Constitution and that the plebiscite was irrelevant. "The clock cannot be put back", Mrs Gandhi had firmly said. Thus, there was almost an end to the autonomy call with Sheikh’s return to power, till he died in 1982.

It is interesting that Jammu and Ladakh regions have publicly rejected the Autonomy Resolution. These regions have had to face discrimination since the Pak aggression in 1947. Ladakh, has also suffered because of its unnatural union with the Valley. No amount of autonomy can ensure the safety of the cultural-linguistic identity of the region. The writer is critical of the proposed trifurcation of the state. Even the Sangh Parivar has been talking on the same lines, jeopardising the secular framework of the Indian polity.

Some of the statements may need be qualified, but his assertion that the people of Kashmir have been suffering because of bad governance under Article 370 can hardly be questioned. The present leadership has to learn lessons from history and take a decision in the interest of the state and the nation as a whole.