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It is a significant volume in the
Gandhian academic world. The author reveals the exploitative and
enormous acquisitive nature of globalisation and puts forth
"globalism" as an alternative to it. Scholte,
Jean-Marie Guehemenno, and Sheth and Nandy have also rung the
danger bells on globalisation and their ideas are critically
analysed in the chapter. Globalism is viewed as an ideal,
harmonised, interactive, genuine, democratic, international
communitarism promised on the values of cosmic harmony and
non-violence. "Through Swaraj we would serve the whole
world" (p11). But the present-day society where politics is
without principles and transparency, science is without
humanity, wealth without work and knowledge without character,
the Gandhian prescription may sound as a mere wish.
Gandhi rejected
all varieties of economic alternative such as
post-industrialism, techno-capitalism and globalisation because
it hurts the moral well being of the individual and the nation.
True economics for him stands for social justice, though a
systematic theoretical construct of globalism is not available
in Gandhian discourse. Still the "Swarajist Globalist"
vision could be an alternative. This aspect needs serious
attention in both policy-making quarters and social sciences
analyses.
Nationalism is
depicted as a complex socio-political phenomenon, constantly in
formation, deformation, and reformation in response to other
forces of change, which is not immutable. What need to be
contested are its narrowness, selfishness and exclusiveness.
In the next few
chapters, Kaushik asserts that Indian democracy heralds its
journey with a commitment to democratic socialism,
socio-economic justice, mixed economy and passes through the
stages of consensual political style based on personal charisma
to personality cult and distorted into the politics of bargain,
regionalism, terrorism, secessionism, communalism and
opportunism. Growing concentration of political power and
economic resources has aggravated not only economic disparities
but also social schisms and political conflicts. The Gandhian
alternative paradigm is therefore pertinent not only in terms of
signification but also in terms of symbolisation (p83). In his
political and economic decentralised, non-pyramidal structure
citizens are not apathetic, individualistic or rebellious;
rather, they are required to pool their information and insights
and help in creating a communitarian society.
She emphatically
explains that in a pluralistic society like India, political
unity and sense of common nationhood need not depend on
religious homogeneity but on political, historical and cultural
factors. The battle of communal amity had to be fought at a
religio-socio level and also a political level. His remedy of Sarva
Dharma Sambhava served as a strategy embodied in an
inclusive, humanistic concern for redeeming blurred human
sensitivity and conscience in matters of faith and politics. But
the present communal disturbances in Gujarat and Gandhi’s
Sabarmati Ashram, Sarva Dhrama Sambhava seem to be a
solitary star away from human reach.
In the concluding
chapter the rosy picture of globalisation is depicted in terms
of connectivity, integration and unification of global and local
but at the same time, its hegemonic, homogenising and
non-egalitarian agenda is camouflaged with suspicion. The
Gandhian alternative is essential for a humane, decentralised,
non-violent socio-politic, and economic and non-hegemonic global
order. It seems the writer has perceived globalisation as xenophobia
and the Gandhian alternative as the Rama Bana.
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