The disruption brought about by
Chomsky’s analysis is the main intention of his political
philosophy that is probably the single most significant
contribution from an intellectual to the final freedom and
independence that East Timor enjoys today.
However, the
paradox in Chomsky’s claim of not being a theorist and the
assertion of his anti-postmodernist stand with the view that he
deeply believes in human nature and the vision of future hope
for mankind, is a new way of looking at his philosophy and its
bearings on radical thinking. The knowledge of reality, the
foundation of truth and error, the notion of misreading—which
is the condition of all discourse—lead us towards
understanding what the text tells us about that which we can and
we cannot know.
I view Chomsky as
a writer and a political activist who decentres the structures
of power by showing that the growth of power is discontinuous
and that the dismantling of hegemonic practices leads to the
recuperation of lost or hidden manifestations of power and
knowledge.
My interest in
this book is generated from the working of the state machinery
which shows that no dominant political order is likely to
continue to exist long if it does not intensively take over the
space of subjectivity itself.
Power succeeds by
swaying us to crave and collude with it. All forms of production
of any political or social order consist of an entire range of
institutions, from church and family to culture and politics,
which inculcate certain codes and disciplines within the
dominated classes or subjects. It is in this way that political
power plays a part in the formation of subjectivities.
The book is an
interesting and provocative study which is rigorously and
persuasively argued, and for which the evidence is marshalled
from diverse fields such as discourse analysis, cultural
studies, and literary and political theory.
Superpowers such
as Britain or the USA often desire not simply to war with
radical ideas but to expunge them completely from memory. Theory
is therefore necessary for keeping these energies vigorous. I
see Chomsky’s philosophical understanding of human nature,
combined with critical perspectives on the politics of the
state, as offering reasoned and consistent ground for a
combative hopefulness in a civil society. I would argue that the
understanding of this vision of the good society is essential
for responding to the nature of Chomsky’s critique of state
power and its subterranean agenda.
Chomsky’s
influence on the contemporary critical and socio-cultural
debates is significant in offering a theory of language,
politics and cultural production. Political and sociological
writings under his influence have a continuing relevance at a
time of widespread retreat from Marxist positions among those on
the postmodern left. The theory of cultural production and
critique when applied to cultural criticism brings out the
relevant issues of social and political domination and the
subversion that takes place continuously to resist any fixed
notions of cultural behaviour.
The defence of
democratic culture is central to the understanding of this
project of responding to imperial/fascist histories. Chomsky’s
theoretical concerns deal with positions of ideology and
aesthetics within a historical context. Such a view of history
requires from Chomsky’s perspective a good deal of rethinking
in the light of the unprecedented historical developments
unsettling the world during the last century, which becomes
important for the understanding of cultural change in terms of
colonialism and the notion of a single linear narrative of any
natural trajectory of history.
The book will be
of interest to students of cultural, political and historical
studies as well as literature.
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