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Taking recourse to archival data,
the author demolishes the claims of the RSS to being a cultural
organisation and argues instead that its motives are purely
political in nature. The organisation’s projection of cultural
nationalism is a clever facade to facilitate evasion of taxes
etc, he says. The political motives of the RSS are laid bare
with the help of excerpts from Golwalkar’s book We or Our
Nationhood Defined, considered to be the RSS Bible,
espousing the ideas that politics needs to be conducted on
commands of religion. The author also examines the concept of
cultural nationalism as it emerges in the writings of Golwalkar
and Savarkar. Both Golwalkar and Savarkar rejected the idea of
territorial nationalism which, interestingly, was the pole
around which the Congress strove to rope in all sections of
Indian masses in the struggle for freedom.
The concept of
cultural nationalism was based on the idea that those not
belonging to the Hindu race, religion, culture and language need
to be considered as falling out of the pale of real national
life. This idea further strengthened the belief that foreign
races in India must either adopt the Hindu culture and lose
their separate existence, or may stay in the country as second
class citizens. The author argues that all this was propagated
by the Hindutva forces and still continues in the name of
nationalism where the nation is synonymous with Hindu Rashtra.
The author
traces the roots of BJP’s ascendance, to the formation of its
parent organisation, the RSS in 1925, and the subsequent
emergence of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in 1951. The author also
makes a mention regarding the phenomenal ascendance of the BJP
in the 1990s, when the party’s electoral performance rocketed
from two seats in the 1984 Lok-Sabha elections to 182 seats in
the elections held in 1999. Two events which took place in the
1980s are seen by the author as making a watershed— the orders
regarding the opening up of the locks of Babri Masjid in 1986,
and the moving of the Muslim Women’s Bill to override the
Supreme Court’s ruling in the Shah Bano case.
The book is
quite informative as it provides a glimpse into the politics of
Sangh Parivar by using a great deal of archival data. One
wishes, however, that the chronological account of happenings
was also linked with the larger issues in Indian politics. The
extent to which electoral politics has been able to mould and
reshape the policies and agendas of the BJP deserved a more
thorough examination.
The recent upsurge of the
marginalised sections of society, such as the Dalits, has
compelled the party to reconsider its position on issues like
caste. It is reflected in the eagerness of the party to bring
these sections into its fold. The impact of coalition politics,
which further limits the scope for parties to implement their
agendas, also remains unexamined. The issue of gender bias in
the philosophy of the Sangh which in its symbols and slogans
tends to reinforce the roles and images of the women within the
traditional parameters defined by the family and motherhood are
invisible in the author’s analysis. The continuous invocation
of the idea of the nation in the form of Bharat-Mata, whose
honour needs to be "protected" and "guarded"
by its valorous sons, and the fact that the membership of the
RSS is open to men only although it has a separate women’s
wing, the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, are some of the issues
ignored in this otherwise very informative book.
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