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The author raises a pertinent
question as to why Dr. Hedgewar wanted to found RSS when Veer
Savarkar had already revived the defunct Hindu Mahasabha in
1923. The author offers an explanation that sounds quite
plausible. First, the Mahasabha was a "political
organisation fighting for the country's freedom. The RSS played
no role in the freedom struggle. Secondly, the Brahmanical
hegemony was coming under serious attack at the hands of the
anti-Brahmanical movement in several parts of the country,
especially in the South. The RSS is committed to perpetuate it.
Thirdly, Savarkar's Hindu unification movement transcended
narrow caste politics while the RSS has innate faith in the
Chatur Varna and its subsequent proliferation in castes.
It is the
detailed and deep examination of the caste system, in the book
under review that needs careful attention of a reader. The
genesis of the caste system can be traced to Manu Smriti drawing
inspiration from Purush Shukta of Rig Veda. Purush Shukta
portrays Brahama as the creator of the universe. Brahmins,
Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras were born of his mouth, arms,
thighs, and feet respectively. This is factually incorrect,
asserts the author. Before Brahama appeared on the scene, Varun,
Mitra, Agni and Indra were the deities of the worship: Brahama,
Vishnu and Shiva are not among the first rank of gods in Rig
Veda. Secondly, reproduction is the field of woman and the four
entities representing the four Varnas originating from Brahama
is highly unscientific. The author is convinced that Purush
Shukta is an interpolation into Rig Veda as it is not in
consonance with its liberal spirit.
The caste
system is very much different from the Vedic tradition. Under
the impact of the Brahmanical pseudo-scholarship, it has grown
over millennia into a hydra-headed monster, which has not been
subdued by all the reformers. Dalits are not recognised as
Hindus by Manu as there is no place for the fifth Varna in his
system. He speaks of them Varna Bah'yas, those outside the Varna
system. If this is so, the thesis of Kancha Ilaiah, a leading
Dalit intellectual in his well known book Why I am not a
Hindu is correct.
The author
propounds a thesis that it is the caste system that is primarily
responsible for India's slavery. This highly stratified system
did not allow the release of fresh sources of talent and energy.
The juxtaposition of class and caste has been the unique feature
of Indian society and this did not receive due attention until
recently. Its dynamics has yet to be fully explored. Shyam Chand,
in the introduction to the book, says that he is not a
historian. However, he has given an important lead and a
significant clue for professional historians to study.
Ironically, the
caste system is playing a positive role for the first time in
Indian history. Caste has a duel role in society. It is
constricting, regressive and divisive force if used as a tool to
further the narrow and sectarian interests of the high caste
elites. It can become a regenerative, liberative and solidifying
force if used to articulate the aspirations of those that have
suffered for ages through the caste system and thus release
their latent energy. It is the second dimension of the caste
that has started asserting itself of late in the Hindu society
and the numerous forms of Dalit assertion have to be seen in
this light.
Saffron Fascism is
highly vitriolic and acerbic in its tone and tenor. The author
states in the very beginning: "I venture to write this book
not out of anger but of anguish....anguish caused by the
transformation of people's commitments of the 60s into the
cynicism of the 90s." Very true. Unfortunately, there has
been a retreat of intellectuals in a section of the liberal
intelligentsia. Understandably, the author's anguish often gets
suffused with righteous indignation. However, intellectuals and
creative writers rooted into the Dalit section of the Indian
society have put more fire into the fight. Sham Chad's book is
an admirable attempt in this direction.
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