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Sunday
, January 20, 2002
Books

Chandigarh scholar encounters Said and exults at the experience
Review by Dev Dutt Bayala

Post-Modren Encounters: Edward Said and the Writing of History by Shelley Walia. Icon, Cambridge. Allen & Unwin: Australia. Pages 177. $7.95.

EARLIER attempts to simplify matters ended up in putting an excessive and unnecessary scholarship, leaving one all the more bewildered in the labyrinth of post-colonial theory. The task of explaining and clarifying the fundamental concepts of these theories had been undertaken by excessive jargonising and unnecessary complications. But in his book, "Post-Modern Encounters: Edward Said and Writing of History" Shelley Walia explores the crux of post-colonial cultural studies by taking up the central issue of (re)writing history within the context of recent debates on ideology as a system of representations.

In an earlier essay, "History and Its Discontents" (Between Truth and History), Shelley Walia had expressed that "traditional practices of the writing of history fail to question the conditions of their own making and therefore retard any development of democratising critical intelligence". Thus it becomes imperative to challenge the "nature of objectivity, realism, and truth which traditional historians take as their essentials".

 


The present book, though succinct, proves significant in refuting the first rule of a supposedly existing secret handbook for post-colonial critics, which reads:"’Begin by rejecting the whole notion of post-colonialism." (In the "Gaudy Supermarket" by Terry Eagleton). For here, Walia attempts to scrutinise the notions and ideas associated with post-modern theories through the kaleidoscopic vision of a great literary and post-colonial critic, Edward Said. The book illuminates Said’s perceptions and impressions about the contemporary issues not only in the literary world but also in the political domain. Walia’s deeply focused study examines Said in the light of his engagement as writer, teacher and political activist.

Tracing the evolution of Said’s thinking over the past 30 years, he draws attention to its conceptual coherence and value as a work-in-progress of cultural and historical critique, thereby emphasising Said’s involvement in public cultural activity and personal commitment to his insistent interrogation of political systems.

"Exile is a universal figure," says George Lamming and no one could apprehend this better than Said who has lived his life as an American as well as a Palestinian. But for Said, "exile" is not merely a physical separation from one’s mother country or being "in between" the two worlds. Rather, it is a position from where an individual can question the accepted tenets of society and thus become an intellectual critic. Shelley Walia, while pointing at Said’s "hybridity", argues that his "life of an exile" has enabled him to unveil the ideologically constructed and essentialised truths to unravel the quashed realities. He writes: "Taking the entire world as his home he (Said) looks at adversial cultures and the role of the intellectual in liberating human scholarship and validating cultural forms through the re-interpretation of history."

How far is history-writing free from prejudices and to what extent does it bring to light disinterested facts is quite debatable. However, the author doesn’t intend only to show that Said considers all historical accounts adulterated with the political objectives of their writers; he elucidates how Said grasps the true aim of these European scholars in employment of the practice of history-writing and other cultural forms, like the novel or the opera, as a vehicle of subjugation and as a hegemonic strategy.

In his new book, Shelley Walia brings "History and Literature" on the same platform to emphasise that "no writing is transparent". Applying Derrida’s concept of "‘difference" to historical narratives and literary texts, one can contemplate that there cannot exist a single interpretation and that some meaning is always left out.

To corroborate such thoughts, it becomes essential to carry out a "‘contrapuntal reading" of seminal texts like "Heart of Darkness", "Kim" and "Mansfield Park" or Verdi’s "Aida". Said had endeavoured to show these narratives as part of the relationship between culture and empire, emphasizing the fact that the authors are impelled and modeled by their social set up. It has been implanted into our psyche that the West is the only spring of anything and everything that is meaningful and consequential.

In other words, the non-western regions of the world, by default, do not and cannot be in possession of any history, culture or even dare to think of rectitude. And this is fortified by the science of Orientalism, the critique of which is studied in this book.

According to Walia, all writings are in a sense "representations" and thus conjoin fact and fiction. This reminds me of Salman Rushdie’s belief that no passport is required to enter the terrain of imagination and no writing can be confined to strict paradigms. Thus history itself can be subverted by the re-writing of it, whether in the form of fiction or as factual narrative.

"The Writing of History" reveals the length to which Said and his work are swayed by theorists of Foucault and Gramsci. The concept of "‘field" is an elementary organizing principle to Foucault’s writing. He intends a"’field" to mean the "formal conditions which make the appearance of meaning possible". And Said by conceiving Orientalism as a field or a "power-in-space" seems to be gesturing towards the imperial aggrandisement of the geographical space of the colonised country and the psychic space of its people. Shelley Walia further insists that crucial to the understanding of Said’s work is the relation of power and knowledge whose nexus establishes rules, laws, as well as appropriate or normal behaviour. The ruling elite codifies them through their instruments of power and are gradually reinforced to become fixed ideologies.

Knowledge is constructed by assuming a "panoptican view" (Foucauldian concept) of the governed, causing anxiety in them which further leads to nervousness, uncertainty and finally disintegration of their mental faculties. At the same time, the author does not omit to speak of the point where Said shifts his track of thought from Foucault’s conviction that there is no premeditated design behind western ascendancy. Said rather espouses Gramsci’s standpoint regarding the relevance of counter discursive practices and resistance from the subalterns along with his notion of "hegemony". Shelley Walia writes: "Gramsci’s theory of cultural production and critique when applied to Said brings out the relevant issues of social domination and the subversion that takes place continuously to resist any fixed notions of cultural behaviour."

The book, which will be of particular interest to students of literature, history, and social and political theory, as it brings the perplexing issues of eurocentrism, universalism, post-modernism and cultural positioning and political affiliations under the microscope of a secular critic. And Said, as a secular critic, desires a "universal vocabulary" that can give "a greater human scope to what a particular race or nation suffered". Bruce Robbins cites Said’s comment on the "politics of secular interpretation "as proposing "a way . . . of avoiding the pitfalls of nationalism".

For Said universalism means to move beyond the fixities and confinements imposed by our language, nationality and individual experiences in search of a "single standard". While focusing on Said’s major works, referring back always to the seminal work, "Orientalism", Shelley Walia comments that Said is not a rigid pos-structuralist; "the author, for Said, is never dead" and "unlike a post-modernist critic, he believes in the origins of the text".

Nevertheless, the book brings out the chronology and interconnectedness of certain fundamental concepts in post-colonial theoretical practice. At the same time it draws attention to the gap, the inconsistencies and the incoherence within western historical discourse that exposes the ends of ideology. And when intellectuals like Said subvert the ideological reproduction of the bourgeoisie, social relations and institutional discourse, they engage in revolutionary action.