DR INDU TEWARI, whom I have known for about two decades, is not only unassuming but also very consistent in her views. This lady with mild mannerisms and a velvety voice has a brilliant academic record, which includes a Gold Medal in MA, distinction in M.Phil and a doctorate under the guidance of a renowned historian, Prof. Ravinder Kumar. Her specialisation continues to be Modern Indian History. Beyond academics, Indu concerns herself with issues related to women, human relationships and political issues.

Once at a seminar held in Panjab University during the course of a women’s conference, delegates from the Uttarakhand region could not communicate because they were "so dazed and overawed by the razzle-dazzle of a modern city, the English language and the prim and proper formalities of a conference." Indu was drawn towards them instinctively. A little interaction with them in simple Hindi unfolded the "Big Struggle" being carried out by these women. The determination of these women to carry on the struggle motivated Indu to research the Uttarakhand movement. With perseverance, and with the commitment of a woman to other women, Indu came out with the first book on Uttarakhand.

The book unfolds the history of this region. Right from 1790, when the British established their control over the Kumaon, to the struggle for Uttarakhand. In yet another chapter, she discusses the characteristics of the movement. The region is afflicted with poverty as no industrialisation has taken place. Agriculture, on the other hand, is not sustainable except in the Terai area. Hence, men have to, per force, migrate to other parts of the country for their livelihood.

"The position of a hill woman is entirely different from that of a city woman. She is the backbone of the agricultural sector, and in addition do household chores. With the migration of men folk, the decisions are taken by women. It has made them more vociferous. Here the women are used to participating in all the affairs. They face the hardships of life single-handedly, living in a region where there are not sufficient hospitals, schools and teachers. There is a saying in the hills that the plow is in the hands of men, everything else is in the hands of women. At places, the widows plow the land too," observes Indu in the book.

Tracing the roots of the movement, Indu writes that this region has only 2-3 per cent OBC population. Against this backdrop, the UP Government imposed 27 per cent reservation for the OBCs, as a consequence of the Mandal Commission. "It was the announcement by the then Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, extending 27 per cent reservation to the OBCs in all educational institutions, which sparked off a fierce stir. A meeting organised by students at Pauri to oppose this move was brutally lathi-charged and dispersed. This unsympathetic attitude of the authorities against the peace-loving hill people sparked a feeling of injustice.

"Uttarakhand is literally a ‘money-order economy’. Migrated men of the area send money orders to their families back home. It is this pittance over which women, the old and children survive. But it is also these hardships that have made the women of the area into solid fighters. There is nothing which can allure them away from a struggle. It is the women of this area who began the anti-liquor campaign, a la ‘Chipko Movement,’ and a movement for supply of water into the homes. The significant feature of all their movements is their selfless, voluntary participation in each struggle. Almost all political parties have tried to allure them to join their cadres, but in vain. It is this character of these hill women that brought them flocking into the students’ agitation against reservations for the OBCs. They joined hands with the students without being asked to because their rustic wisdom told them that it would affect the future of their children," writes Indu.

In the chapter "Characteristics of the Movement," Indu records, "The year 1994 is significant in the history of this movement when the anti-reservation stir broadened its base and became a mass movement. The issue, which had remained the purview of the upper middle class till then, had finally reached the grassroots. The agitation was not started by any political party or any single politician. Almost the whole of population was on the roads and purely voluntarily." This chapter also records Nikhil Chakravarty’s observations, saying, "Women were everywhere, taking part in the agitation. Till date, I had not seen such a large number of women on the roads." These hill women went to far off places like Delhi to demonstrate, leaving behind their homes and children. These women realised that running of the household would become even more difficult with their children’s future appearing bleak. Therefore, they voluntarily came out of their houses to protest and soon became a force to reckon with.

Another significant feature of this movement by women was that none of them were vying for self-promotion as a leader. All over Uttarakhand, a number of groups of women came up. They fought for specific issues, but no woman tried to emerge as a leader. Interestingly, no woman has joined any political party even after having achieved the goal. However, their participation in the policy-making at the panchayat level has certainly got activated.

"Much before these hill women jumped into the agitation, they were bringing out a magazine titled, Uttra, devoted to the cause of women. A large number of women of this area are either eighth or tenth class pass. Women from the middle class mostly do graduation. It is this background of education that helps them to respond spontaneously and instinctively to almost all issues. The women of Uttarakhand have become an unprecedented collective power with none afflicted with personal ambitions," comments Indu.

Indu Tewari has also devoted a full chapter to the viability of a new state, Uttarakhand. She remarks that Uttarakhand will be a viable state, both in terms of area or population. "This history of federalism in India clearly shows that population and size have not been determining factors in the formation of new states. Other factors, especially identity —linguistic or ethnic— have been more important. In some states like Goa and Sikkim, past history and circumstances of their integration into the Union have influenced their formation as separate states, irrespective of their area or population. If Himachal Pradesh can be made a separate state, if states in the North East can be created with an area equivalent to one district of Uttarakhand with population of only five lakh, then, why not Uttarakhand? Moreover, the whole of Himalayan region (except Uttarakhand) from Jammu and Kashmir to Arunachal Pradesh has big as well as small states. Only this region remains a part of a big state with which it has nothing in common in sphere of topography, climate, historical tradition and administrative background."