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An inside view of Third World
Review
by Shelley Walia
Colonialism/Post-colonialism
by Ania Loomba. Routledge, London. Pages 289.
г8.99.
SOME critics, though
pioneers of what once was called
"Commonwealth" literature, staunchly
remain bogged down in the Leavisite tradition,
disabling themselves from even casting a
sympathetic gaze at what is presently known as
post-colonial cultural studies. I have all respct
for them but I do realise that they belong to a
school of critics who constantly question the
status and value of post-colonial/post-modern
modes of cultural analysis. They challenge
post-colonial theory on several fronts: on its
interdisciplinary competence, on the politics of
its location, and its implicit will to power over
all other kinds of histories of analysis. Derrida
and Foucault stand outside their consideration.
This has resulted in heated debates, often
personalised to the extent that many issues at
stake stand ignored.
It must be realised that
the field of colonial studies is very vast,
covering a large part of the world we live in,
and any attempt to codify its principles amounts
to overriding the complexity of a field so
heterogeneous and almost as old as the day
Shakespeare wrote "The Tempest.." As
Ania Loomba points out in her recent book,
Colonialism Post-colonialism, "Each scholar
of colonialism, depending on her disciplinary
affiliation, geographic and institutional
location and identity, is likely to come up with
a different set of examples, emphasis, and
perspective on the question".
Her book is
certainly a clear-headed account of this very
crucial and complex area, focusing on some key
terms and debates which have preoccupied scholars
both in the West and the East. I would not like
to disparage the book in any way, but to use her
own words in an essay written elsewhere, we could
call it a kunji (mug-books, or literally,
"key"). But it certainly stands head
and shoulders above the traditional bar notes or
York notes and is a comprehensive study of a
field that has in the past few years become a
major intervention in the widespread revisionist
project which covers areas such as cultural
studies, womens studies, gender studies,
and ethnic studies.
The area of
post-colonial studies as George M. Gugelberger,
writes, is "one of the latest
tempest in a postist world replacing
"Prosperos Books" (the
title of Peter Greenaways 1991 film) with a
Calibanic viewpoint." It is quite clear that
the very act of validating modernism was directly
linked with the recognition of primitive
cultures. I do not think that post-modernism is
"specifically western malice which breathes angst
and despair instead of aiding political
action and resistance", as pointed out by
Loomba.
The tremors of
this interest in modernism as well as
post-modernism can be traced back to the early
fifties when writers like Beckett became
interested in writing plays such as "Waiting
for Godot" and Sartre wrote a scathing
critique of French imperialism in Algeria, or
when the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya posed a threat
to western hegemony. More than this, it was a
time when Fanon wrote "Black Skin, White
Masks" and the works of Cesaire and Albert
Memmic became seminal to the uprisings of
nationalist movements, thereby giving impetus to
the whole question of rewriting history. As
Gugelberger again emphasises, it was in the year
1958 when "the western narrative paradigm in
which an authors anthropologist fabricates
the other was seriously questioned in Chinua
Achebes novel "Things Fall Apart"
which clearly illustrates the sensationalism
and inaccuracy of western anthropology and
history".
Fanons The
Wretched of the Earth" with its preface
writtten by no other than Sartre, or the
reworking of "The Tempest" by Geroge
Lamming further added to the on-going rush of a
deep-seated impulse to write oneself back into
history. Post-colonial writing therefore came to
be constituted in counter-discursive practices.
The marginalised began to have a voice, minority
discourses contended with the over privileging of
western history and literature, leading to a
rethinking about fossilised curricula in English
departments, and multiculturalism. As Patrick
Brantlinger says, post-colonial studies intended
to "discipline the disciplines" and
thereby moved the margin to the centre. The
master narrative of western discourse stood
challenged finally in Edward Saids two
major works "Orientalism" and
"Culture and Imperialism". In
fact, it was with the appearance of
"Orientalism" that post-colonial
studies got institutionalised and even
departments previously opposed to any radical
changes like the English faculty of Cambridge
decided to start a programme in post-colonial
literature. Robert Young has shown immense
interest in this area and is mainly instrumental
in promoting research at Oxford. This has also
led to the initiation of a journal on
post-colonial studies called Interventions, of
which the first issue would be appearing soon.
Ania Loomba has
examined the significant features of the ideas
that relate to discourse analysis in the light of
sexual, racial, and class differences within the
broad area of colonial ideologies and
post-colonial theories. I wonder if apart from
clarifying certain concepts, such books on the
subject of post-colonial cultural studies really
achieve much by way of a radical change in the
politics of location and identity. Undoubtedly,
the interest in this field has given rise to many
debates and conferences but finally one can say
that it is only a replacement of "one
problematic with another".
Will the
deconstruction of western monolithic forms and
epistemologies or the rejection of the
Hegelian-inspired totalising worldview really
lead us anywhere except for generating some
heated and vigorous academic debates? Though one
can perceive that such a study calls for a
change, neo-colonialism still prospers and an
obsession with. Western critical paradigms has
not in any way helped to counter the onslaught of
western capitalism and MTV culture.
We could,
therefore, ask if post-colonialism is a true
counter-discourse or just another fashionable
academic game that involves the migrant academic
moving from the West to the East or the East to
the West for reasons which seem to be more
personal than political or sincerely academic.
Undoubtedly, they have tried to wage a war on
totality and recognised the post modern notion of
difference, but they have not succeeded in
evolving an expression or an idiom that emerges
from their specific cultural and political
circumstances. I am not sure if they have
succeeded really in moving from the Fanonion
first stage of slavish aping of the western forms
to the second or the third stage of nativism or
the intense revolutionary stance of voicing their
views from a wholly indigenous cultural location.
How then can we
really call their discipline
"post-colonial" when it refers neither
to the "historical break" signifying
the end of colonial rule, not to an
"ideological orientation" which carries
the implication of some form of continuing
resistance as well as oppression, though not a
complete break from the weight of neo-colonial
tendencies.
I am quite
sceptical of a totally uncontaminated
post-colonial theory which positions itself
within the universalist or Eurocentric domain and
thereby incapacitates itself to speak from the
outside. The long history of colonialism cannot
be wished away as it has left its indelible mark
on the post-colonial consciousness. Rephrasing
the inherent problems of Third-Worldism in the
language of post-structuralism may not be the
only answer. Global hegemony of western paradigms
still persists and it would be right to agree
with Ella Sohat that "Third World" is a
better nomenclature than
"post-colonial" as it has the
connotations of collectively resisting all
influences of neo-colonialism.
Loomba has
illustrated the dynamics of colonial encounter,
the notions of discourse analysis, and hybridity
quite authoritatively and her book should be
required reading for all undergraduate literary
students. Graduate students and researchers will
undoubtedly find it comprehensive and useful in
coming to grips with theoretical aspects of
Gramcian, Foucaultian and Althuserian ideas, but
I dont think there would be anything new
here which could be offered to them. Perhaps that
is not the intention of the book, though it is a
fairly exhaustive treatment of the subject with a
framework that is geographically rather
extensive.
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Hear the sensitive voice
of less-known Indians
Review
by Akshaya Kumar
Signatures:
One Hundred Indian Poets edited by Satchidanandan
National Book Trust, India, New Delhi. Pages 440.
Rs 70.
EVER since David
Bells sensational pronouncement of
"end of ideology" in 1960, the entire
critical scene continues to be in the grip of
this endgame. It seems that we are a generation
of post-humans living in a graveyard where
history, sociology, psychology, culture, etc are
buried as diseases of civilisation. John Barth
would make us believe that literature is
exhausted, and whatever we receive in the name of
literature is all kitsch and bullshit.
Poetry is seen
as the most ineffectual and excremental of all
arts. German philosopher Adorno, in fact,
declared that "it is most barbarous to write
a poem after Auschwitz". Bakhtin hammered
the last nail in the coffin of poetry when he
argued rather notoriously that poetry cannot be
dialogic and that poetic language runs the risk
of becoming "authoritarian, dogmatic and
conservative, cutting itself off from the
influence of extra-literary social
dialects". The message has been loud and
clear that there are no takers of poetry.
K
Satchidanandans anthology of 100 Indian
poets entitled "Signatures" should be
seen as a counter-discourse in this environment
of hostility against poetry. Those who write the
obituary of poetry as a genre need to revise
their stance as the collection comprises a
mind-blowing range of poems, reflecting not only
the polyphony that India is, but also the
fertility of literary imagination. The collection
is a rare feast for the poetry-lover for it
provides him under one cover seasoned poets like
Sitakant Mahapatra, Amrita Pritam, Raghuvir
Sahay, Namdeo Dhasal, Sunil Gangopadhayaya, B.S.
Mardhekar, Ayyappa Paniker, etc. alongwith poets
of younger generation like Pash, Siddalingaiah,
H.S. Shivaprakash, Sukumaran, Gagan Gill, etc.
The anthology
has its own narrative structure and sequence. It
begins with Jibanananda Das, a Bengali poet born
in the year 1899, and concludes with a young
Asamiya poet Nilim Kumar born in 1962. The year
of birth of a poet is the chosen benchmark that
Satchidanandan uses to place the hundred poets in
a sequential order in the anthology. The reader
at once gets an immediate feel of shifting
paradigms in Indian poetry during the 50 years.
Except for the mandatory introduction, there are
no critical mediations.
Jibanananda
Dass Bangla poems are informed by the early
modernist binary of the romantic versus the
existential where at one level earth is a
"wasteland of remorse,/ of blunders,/
projects and plans", and at another it is a
world "gentle with the whispers,/ of exotic/
trees" ("This Earth", page 6). In
case of Buddhadev Bose, another Bangla poet that
follows Jibanananda in the anthology, the
existential begins to overtake the romantic. For
instance, in "My Tower", the poet
begins with a romantic proposition that "my
tower is of ivory" only to counter it later
on through a series of mundane metaphors thus:
"My tower is a shack/ in Behalas
slums/ a forty floor hotel in San Francisco,/ a
proud liner/ on the Atlantic/ Or a toilet in
Calcutta, sweating/ with the monsoon" (page
7).
Thereafter the
anthology has a range of modernist poems that
hinge on concerns of loneliness, dread, silence
or loss of speech, dilemmas of freedom,
homelessness, etc. In his poem
"Freedom" K. Ayyappa Paniker brings
forth how freedom,otherwise a concept of
realisation, degenerates into a ritual: "The
heavy gates/ of the stone prisons/ were wide
open/ Even the roofs/ had blown off./ But the six
Oclock/ siren was not heard" (page
190). Sunil Gangopadhyayas "Captive,
Are you Awake?" flings "the echoing
question:/ Are you free?"
In his poem
"Freedom", Balachandran Chullikkad
presents freedom as a synonym of hard work,
instead of the usual absence of work: "This
is freedom at the illuminated/ tip of the
stitching-needle./ It is the grain the sower
reaps/ The shirt for the one who stitched
it" (page 399). If freedom is bondage, home
too is alien space. To Surjit Patar, a Punjabi
poet, returning back to home is a delusion:
"So many a sun has set/ So many a God has
died/ Look of the mother alive/ We delude me;
Either I or mother is a ghost" ("The
Return Home", page 337).
The poets of the
later generation, however, break the didactic
grid of modernism heralding the arrival of the
splintered self: "As I stare at one/ I
splinter into many/ Instead of the rivers
harmony/ I become the rains scatter"
(K.G. Sankara Pillai, "Photos in Various
Poses", page 350). K Satchidanandan, who
also features as a poet in the anthology, refers
to the compartmentalisation of human heart in
four parts namely "a prison",
"a church", "a hospital" and
"a courtroom" ("My Body, A
City", page 344). Nilim Kumars
Assamese poems demystify the silence-shadow
symbiosis at the graveyard: "May be the dead
would talk here/ I am not dead"
("Poem-I", page 423).
The later half
of the anthology contains poems by well-known
dalit poets like Namdeo Dhasal, Bhujang Meshram
and Siddalingaiah. In the words of
Satchidanandan, these poets create "an
alternative poetics that throws overboard
classical virtues like propriety, balance,
restraint and understatement" (page xxxii).
Dhasals poem "Mandakini Patil"
turns upside down the so-called lofty ideals of
society: "Wives are the licensed whores of
men./ Men are the pimps and lovers of their
wives" (page 361). In another poem
"Stone-Masons, My Father, and Me" the
romanticisation of the stone masons through
high-sounding platitudes like "Stone masons
give stones dreams to dream", "Stone
masons give stone flowers", "Stone
masons inseminate stones", "Stone
masons mix blood with stones" is undone with
a violent jerk thus: "I break heads with
stones" (page 364). With the inclusion of
dalit poets in the mainstream Indian poetry,
"Signatures" does away with this
self-defeating ostracisation of dalit writings
from Indian literature as such.
Though the
number of women poets included in the anthology
is far less, yet the heterogeneity of their
responses make up for this kind of numerical
disadvantage. Anuradha Mahapatra, Jayaprabha,
Savitri Rajeevan, Pravasini Mahakud, etc. expose
the patriarchal character of modernism with a
visible feminist agenda. Savitri Rajeevan resents
the way women are idolised by the male order:
"I am no more then worn out/ kitchenware
turned into/ the icon and temple" ("The
Idol", page 394).
Women poets like
Pravasini Mahakud seek a return to nature as a
strategy of emancipation. Mahakud is ready to
become "a river", "a tiny
stream", "a bodhi tree", "a
seedling", "a kite" to save
mankind from the clutches of culture.
The
woman-centredness of the earlier generation of
women poets, however, is too subtle. For instance
Amrita Pritams "My Address" could
be read as a poem of every human being in search
of liberation: "Wherever you come across a
liberated soul/ You can take it to be my
home" (page 90). Nabaneeta Deb Sen does
reveal female sensitivity towards issues of
death, love, motherhood, etc. but she is never
polemical. Padma Sachdev, a Dogri poet, deals
with the grit and courage of hilly women. Despite
its huge sweep, the anthology excludes poets like
Dharamvir Bharati, Bhavani Prasad Mishra, Shiv
Kumar Batalavi, Daya Pawar, Vikram Seth, Eunice
dSouza, Kaifi Azmi, etc. Perhaps
Satchidanandan has no flair for love poetry, even
mystical strain of Indian poetry is absent. To
bring the entire corpus of poetry of the past
four decades under the rubric of modern or
post-modern poetry is not fair. Satchidanandan
cannot escape the challenges of anthologising by
saying that, "This is, perhaps like all such
collections, primarily a personal
anthology". Also the quality of translation
needs improvement. At times, it is academicised
and cliche ridden.
"Signatures"
must be seen as a next step forward in the
on-going process of compiling the best of Indian
poetry. Earlier notable stepping stones in this
direction were "Another India" (edited
by Nissim Ezekiel and Meenakshi Mukherjee) and
"Oxford Anthology of Modern Indian
Poetry" (edited by Vinay Dharwadkar and A.K.
Ramanujan in 1994)). The present anthology should
be revised after every two or three years, or
supplemented by other anthologies of similar
nature to incorporate newer voices.
The National
Book Trust deserves congratulations for this
venture of showcasing the best of Indian poets
born between 1899 to 1962 at an affordable price
of Rs 70.
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Birth of Kashmir state
Write view
by
Randeep Wadehra
The
State in Medieval Kashmir by R.L. Hangloo.
Manohar, New Delhi. Pages: 150. Rs 300.
THIS volume attempts to
analyse the processes involved in state formation
and its functioning in medieval Kashmir. The
"Brahaminical religion" was one of the
most important factors in the speedy
transformation of a primitive tribal set-up into
a sophisticated polity. Initially in Kashmir the
Nagas formed a
"singular-ethnicity"-based social
structure. There were two classes warrior
chiefs and peasants. The latter included
craftsmen and pastoralists. However, there were
592 Naga clans settled in different parts of the
state. Though each clan was ruled by its own
chief, the supreme authority was the Nila Naga.
The overall administrative structure was loose
and functional.
Over a period of
time, however, several other ethnic groups
migrated to Kashmir, changing the demographic
composition irreversibly. The non-Naga incursions
also altered the nature of kinship. Old equations
became redundant. A new state structure began to
take shape.
A rudimentary
division of labour came into existence so did
hereditary priesthood. A system of
status-differentiation on a permanent hereditary
basis was fast becoming the norm. When the
Mauryans tried to extend their rule over the
diverse settlements in Kashmir they were faced
with several problems. This dilemma facilitated a
prominent role for the Brahmins and Buddhist
monks. Their religious status helped them to
legitimise the Mauryan authority. If the
Buddhists were guilty of introducing a
caste-based class system during the reign of
Asokas son Jaluka, the Brahmins formalised
the discriminatory system when they succeeded the
Bhuddhists as resident nobility.
Apart from
absorbing the Shaivite, tribal and Buddhist
rituals and practices, Brahmins also imposed the
Agamas for collecting gifts from common
folks. Slowly, but surely, an exploitative regime
came into existence. They became the sole
"legitimisers" of succeeding regimes.
The agrahara system enabled Brahmins to
become big landholders. This became more evident
between 1089 AD and 1101 AD. The agrahara-based
economy produced semi-servile dependency at the
popular level. The state came to be dominated by
influential families who monopolised public
offices and concentrated power and wealth in
their own hands. The seeds of decay were sown,
thanks to this inequity.
The next
evolutionary phase in the Kashmir state was the
coming of Islam. Hangloo does not think that
large-scale conversions of Islam were solely due
to the strong-arm tactics of Sultan Sikander and
the acts of Sayyids. However, there is enough
historical evidence to prove that the sword
played a big role in Islams growth
throughout the world, and there is no reason to
assume otherwise in the case of Kashmir.
However, the
author is right when he says that the ordinary
Kashmiri suffered as much under the Brahminical
order as under any other. The pre-14th century
Kashmir economy facilitated the concentration of
resources in the hands of the ruling elite and
the Brahmins. Since Buddhism too had disappointed
the common man, he found Islam an attractive
alternative, says Hangloo. He writes:
"...Sufis living amongst the poorest of the
poor and like them, speaking their language,
sensitive to their most insignificant woes...it
is through them that Islam was introduced as a
social and religious force in Kashmir, long
before it acquired political power."
However, when
Islam and ideological domination synchronised
Sultans and Sayyids consolidated their hold over
the state. They too became as oppressive as
earlier rulers. In order to consolidate Muslim
rule Sultan Sikandar not only challenged the
basis of Brahminical authority but also
demolished their temples (or converted them into
mosques) and confiscated their agraharas and
wealth. He was "ably assisted" in this
deed by a Brahmin named Suhabhata, who later
embraced Islam.
Kashmir had
cultural and trade ties with China, Persia,
Turkistan and Central Asia. Though it became a
rich mosaic in cultural and ethnic terms, its
common people failed to benefit materially from
such ties. They remained a poor and oppressed
lot. The Sayyids replaced the Brahmins as the
priestly class. The succession of sultanates did
not bring any tangible improvement in the
states attitude towards the subjects.
Hangloo has made
a good attempt at analysing Kashmirs
evolution as an oppressed state even though it
had all the potential of being a paradise on
earth.
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Ecology and
Development in Conflict: a Gandhian Approach by
Gunanidhi Parida. APH, New Delhi. Pages
xxviii+247. Rs 600.
ENVIRONMENTAL pollution
and the march of civilisation go hand in hand.
With the improvement in our living style, the
planet should have become a healthier place to
live but it has been quite the contrary.
It is
conclusively proved that material progress does
not necessarily result in mental peace or
happiness. Gandhis development philosophy
focuses on man, nature and their simultaneous
development. Instead of allowing an exploitative
society to take roots, he laid stress on a
symbiotic relationship that would keep both man
and environment healthy. Here one is reminded of
Franklin Roosevelts sage advice given while
urging uniform soil conservation laws in 1937,
"The nation that destroys its soil destroys
itself."
Parida says that
Gandhis main objection to mechanisation of
production processes was based on his belief that
it would lead to general impoverishment.
Moreover, his concept of, swadeshi was different
from what is bing bandied about today. The former
laid emphasis on small-scale, nay cottage
industries which would benefit artisans. The new
swadeshi concept merely means the replacement of
foreign industrial behemoths with the Indian
ones. The foreign multinational companies are
having the last laugh. Consequently there is
rampant consumerism here, it would be apt to
recall what British ecologists Penny Kemp and
Derek Wall had said in "A Green Manifesto
For The 1990s": "How to be green? Many
people have asked us this important question.
Its really very simple and requires no
expert knowledge or complex skills. Heres
the answer. Consume less. Share more. Enjoy
life."
Moreover, what
Parida fails to take notice of is the fact that
the industrialised West has been able to put in
place a system of environmental control
regulations. In India, on the other hand, it is a
free for all despite the repeated intervention of
the judiciary at the highest level. Truly, the
artisans have suffered and the village economy
has been destroyed, witness the exodus from the
rural side with the onset of summer.
Poverty in India
has reached a tragic level. There is no social
security for the vulnerable. However, it is a
moot point whether the Gandhian concept would
have been an ideal alternative, especially when
there is bitter competition from outside.
Machine-made goods are certainly superior in
quality and a better value for money for the
consumer. Economic activities are seldom
altruistic.
There is need to
harness the vast resources at the disposal of the
countrys industrial houses for cleaning up
environment. The agencies enforcing pollution
control laws should be given more teeth. Our
lawmakers should ensure that no institution
escapes its non-commercial obligations towards
society. It is also time for the common citizen
to wake up. A few NGOs alone cannot transform the
attitudes of the rich and the powerful. There is
need for a concerted, even activist, movement at
the grassroots level to make our planet liveable.
Petra Kelly, the
founder-spokeswoman of the German Green Party,
had warned in the January, 1993, issue of the
Vanity Fair (New York): "We, the generation
that faces the next century, can add the ...
solemn injunction: If we dont do the
impossible, we shall be faced with the
unthinkable."
In our case the
unthinkable might well have begun already.
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Marketing
Practices and Marketing strategy by Ajay Prasher.
Kalyani Publishers, Ludhiana. Pages xiv + 248. Rs
250.
IT is a war out there, in
the market arena. New products, techniques and
innovations have intensified competition in the
market to such an extent that the term
"cutthroat" is no more a mere metaphor
but a hard marketing reality. While retaining
certain salient features of time-tested marketing
stratagems, in new strategy certain salient
practices have to be evolved and constantly
updated to attract and sustain consumer
attention. This makes it imperative for experts
to retail latest information through print and
electronics media. This book is an attempt in
that direction.
Prasher has
focused on the marketing practices of vegetable
oil companies in North India. In our economy
oilseeds are second only to foodgrains in
importance, contributing 6 per cent of the GNP,
268 lakh hectares, or 13.5 per cent of the arable
land is under oilseed cultivation. India is the
third largest producer, having an output of 229
lakh tonnes in 1995-96.
Recent trends
show that the traditional methods of
manufacturing and selling vegetable oil have
become obsolete and more cost-effective
techniques are coming into use. Brand names are
becoming an essential feature of modern vegetable
oil industry. This is having a salutary effect on
quality. However, the author points out that the
consumer is still not the king in this particular
market. The reason is simple demand
outstrips the supply.
But as the
market conditions are dynamic, there is bound to
be an improvement in the situation. In fact, this
is already seen in the advertisements of assorted
brands of vegetable oil hitting constantly high
decibels. Some brands focus on the nutrition
value while others plug in the purity angle. As
far as the consumer is concerned, the more
"healthy" competition is welcome.
Prasher has
devoted a full chapter to the concept of
strategic marketing. He has also furnished useful
and generally up-to-date data regarding the
vegetable oil market. There are figures and
tables illustrating such useful information as
major oilseeds producers, levels of distribution
channels, geographical scatter of, companies,
etc.
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Uttarkhand in statistics
Review
by Padam Ahlawat
Development
of Uttara-khand: Issues and Perspec-tives by G.G.
Mehta. APH Publishing, New Delhi. Pages 205. Rs
400.
G.S. MEHTA has brought out
a number of books on Uttarakhand dealing with its
economy and development. With this volume he adds
one more to the list.
Uttarakhand has
seen two mass movements in recent times. One, the
Chipko movement, in which women were in the
forefront to save the ecology of the hills by not
allowing trees to be cut. The other has been a
political movement to carve cut a separate state
of Uttarakhand.
The people want
a separate state because they feel that the area
has been neglected and has not received its due
development attention. Besides, they feel
discriminated against in job and education
opportunities due to the reservation policy for
the OBCs.
Mehta feels that
despite decentralisation and more funds for the
hill areas, the region has remained
underdeveloped. This is despite its potential for
hydel power generation, forest wealth and tourist
centres. This has been so not because of any lack
of interest but because of absence of a
region-specific approach. They did not take into
consideration the local conditions and
requirements of the people.
Mehta analyses
the growth and development of different economic
sectors, rural and industrial, agricultural and
forestry, employment and migration, energy and
tourism, and womens contribution to its
development.
The only
drawback is that all these issues are looked at
in a statistical approach. In fact the whole book
is an analysis of statistical data. When talking
of health facility he writes, "... medical
facilities was Rs 65 crore during the eighth Plan
period and it increased to 71 crore .... The
number of allopathic hospitals and dispensaries
per lakh of population is significantly much
higher (11.81) in Uttarakhand ...."
Writing about
rural electrification, "the proportion of
villages having the facility of electricity
increased from 27.17 per cent in 1980-81 to 75.53
per cent in 1991-92 and 78.80 per cent by the end
of 1996-97".
On education
"........ enrolment rates of upper castes
children were 94.35 per cent as against 89.52 per
cent for scheduled castes ....".
"Similarly in the case of girls the
enrolment rates were 93.30 per cent, 86.20 per
cent and 78.74 per cent in the case of general
castes, SC and ST groups of children
respectively".
There is no
human touch, not even on an issue like women
empowerment. Statistical data follow statistical
data. When writing about tourism, statistical
data on the number of shops, types of
shops/establishments follow. One misses the
personal touch, observations and the human angle.
The problem with
a hill region is that it cannot take care of an
increasing population which requires bringing
more area under cultivation and urban
development, thereby reducing forest cover.
Though the annual increase of population is 2.26
per cent, 65 per cent of the population is
engaged in agriculture, while 92 per cent depends
on it for its livelihood. Though official
statistics reveal that 67 per cent of the area in
Uttarakhand is under forest cover, satellite
images put this figure as 44.31 per cent; roughly
17 lakh hectares classified as forest need to be
brought under actual forest cover. Forests need
to be managed so that they yield timber and
firewood without reducing the forest cover. Oak
trees are one of the most prized trees found in
the region.
The writer feels
that people should grow fruits and vegetables,
which give more income. However, it is the small
farmer who grows paddy and wheat for sustenance.
He also feels that the number of livestock is
decreasing. This is an area in which people can
be helped to increase milk yield and production
of wool.
Uttarakhand is
not suitable for industrial development, except
for electronic units and mineral-based ones.
Mining of minerals however poses a danger of
environment degradation. Hydro-electric power
production has immense scope. At present only 20
MW of micro hydel power has been tapped from an
area that has a potential for 800 MW under micro
hydel projects.
Tourism is an
area which cries out for expansion. Of the 127.48
lakh tourists who visited Uttarakhand in a single
year, the highest number 31.42 lakh visited
Rishikesh, 26.96 lakh Dehradun, 14.74 lakh went
to Mussourie and surprisingly only 11.73 lakh
visited Nainital.
About 10 per
cent of people from Uttarakhand migrate to the
plains in search of employment. A large number of
them (23 per cent) are in the armed forces, while
44 per cent have gone to Mumbai and Delhi.
Migration proves that carving out a separate
state would not be viable unless areas in the
plains are included in the state for absorbing
the population and providing employment.
Writing about
village panchayats Mehta makes an interesting
observation. "This emerging political
environment has given birth to groupism, social
clashes and conflicts. As a consequence,
traditionally maintained cooperation and friendly
environment has begun to deteriorate." But
then panchayats have been part of rural India for
thousands of years, though there were no
elections.
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Gandhis failed attempt at
adaptation
Review
by Kanwalpreet
Colonialism,
Tradition & Reform by Bhikhu Parekh. Sage
Publications, New Delhi. Pages 359. Rs 475.
TO discuss or analyse
Gandhi is to enter an institution in which
discipline and confusion go hand in hand. Why?
Because Gandhi never arrived at a conclusion for
he was forever experimenting with truth, his own
conscience and the circumstances in which he
found himself and his principles. Yes, it is
well-known that he often contradicted himself but
this is one truth from which Gandhi did not
flinch. And this is what Bhikhu Parekh has tried
to analyse in this revised edition of his
"Colonialism, Tradition & Reform".
The eminent
author has described and analysed Hinduism and
how it has been variously interpreted and also
how it has been perverted by different sections
at different times to further their narrow
interests. He then deals with Gandhis
understanding of his own religion and the
contradictions between his thoughts and the
scriptures of his religion.
The Hindus,
according to the writer, went into a shell and
stopped adapting themselves, for they wanted to
insulate their religion from aliens the
British and westren literature but also Indians
who put forward arguments which went against
their deeply founded beliefs. And Gandhi, some
felt, was one of them. For the Mahatama believed
that Hindu society needed moral regeneration, and
"a new system of ethics". This is where
his concept of a new yugadharma comes in.
To achieve that, Hinduism not only needed reforms
and reinterpretation but also assimilation of
ideas from other religious traditions. This is
where he faced the greatest challenge. For the
custodians of Hinduism would not let him
"play and experiment" with the body of
ideas and practice that was Hinduism.
The writer
defines tradition and science and crisply makes a
distinction between the two. According to Gandhi,
tradition had two central ideas rootedness
and openness and it was on these lines
that Gandhi went about reforming the religion in
which he was born and which he wanted to
safeguard so that it would not get weakened.
Gandhi ardently believed that tradition should be
respected but not be vested with unquestioning
authority. One should be free to adapt what one
thought was right and leave out what went against
ones belief. It was the test of reason
which tradition has to pass.
Bhikhu Parekh
also tells how the British went about
consolidating their control over India. And to
justify their rule to themselves, they pointed to
the "lack of reason" in Indians. They
believed that they had come to teach Indians the
ideas of "liberty" and
"rationalism". And this could be done
only by challenging whatever was there in Indian
culture. The most unfortunate thing was that some
Indian thinkers helped them in this task of
undermining the traditions of the subcontinent.
It was against this role of the colonial
bureaucrats and Brahmins that Gandhi raised his
voice.
The
writers classification of the Hindu
responses to the British rule modernism,
critical modernism and critical traditionalism
is subtle and striking. It helps in
understanding the views of Indian thinkers with
clarity. The atmosphere then was beset with many
problems. The inability to make a distinction
between Indian nationalism and Hindu nationalism
led to a misinterpretation, the impact of which
we can feel even now.
Gandhi was one
of the few Indians who believed that the British
had come at the right time and despite playing
havoc with Indian culture, they had jolted
Indians out of their slumber. He turned against
the British when the nature of their rule
changed. For Gandhi the clash was not between two
civilisations. His difference with others was
temporal, not territorial. That is why European
civilisation being "modern" could not
stand the test of universality of Indian values.
Indian
civilisation could never face extinction for it
was an open civilisation, pluralist in nature.
Its inherent unity in diversity had always saved
it from the onslaught of other religions.
Hinduism had such deep roots that it had managed
to even Indianise Islam. Whatever moral
regeneration was required, according to Gandhi,
it could be attained by atmashuddhi or
purification of the national soul.
And to achieve
this satyagraha was the answer. There were some
people who could provide leadership, though they
too needed to do tapasya and end the
confusion over what to borrow and what to leave
from western civilisation. Hinduism should
organise its central principles and then absorb
from others whatever was valuable. Indias
crisis was moral in nature and a moral revolution
was the need of the hour. Thus believed Gandhi.
Religion for
Gandhi was a journey through time, a spiritual
quest. To attain yugadharma Hinduism
would have to get back the courage to
experiment, to reject all that had caused
stagnation, and adapt all that was valuable. This
was the path which Gandhi took and wanted his
countrymen to take. The latter was the most
arduous task, for he realised that these were
people who had shut their windows to new thought.
Sevadharma was his goal and the Indian
National Congress would be the vehicle for this.
Satya and
ahimsa were the central principles of his life
and for him ahimsa meant not only non-injury but
positive love and doing ones best to
promote human well-being. One aspect of
Gandhis principles of ahimsa is practicable
and much needed in todays world. And that
is to celebrate the other persons existence
without being jealous of him and spending all our
energy in destroying him. This can lead to
universal goodwill which is the call of the time.
Nonviolence meant abjuring the very thought of
harming the other.
Gandhi speaks a
different tone when he justifies violence when it
bears no ill-will and is necessary to maintain
the cosmic order. Killing in this way can be
termed as a duty. Ahimsa meant active and passive
love and if practised, it would eradicate
selfishness and promote self-interest which meant
only striving for those conditions without which
no human being could live. Selfishness, on the
other hand, meant pursuing ones interest at
the cost of another. Gandhi did not even want
violence of thought.
Gandhis
distinction between self-interest and selfishness
is very difficult to put into practice for the
dividing line is very thin and is subjective.
Nonviolence, according to Gandhi, could be
achieved only if we minimise our wants and end
the circle of "snatch and hoard".
The writer has
also spoken at length about the colonial aim of
the British rulers in the formation of the
Congress. It was to be a forum of debate and not
an instrument of action. The impotence of this
body led to frustration among its members and
gave rise to the terrorist movement. Gandhi was
aghast at the growth of this movement since a
section of the community began to feel that they
had no alternative. They interpreted the
scriptures in a way that justified violence.
Gandhi was aware of the danger of their
"militant nationalism" and started
warning the people against this path.
Swaraj for
Gandhi meant not only independence but injecting
the spirit truth in all our affairs. Terrorism
dealt only with the physical variety and Gandhi
wanted to bring in spiritual strength. And this
could be attained through ahimsa, in which one
did not aim for self glorification but
self-purification. The terrorists quoted the Gita
to justify violence but Gandhi ruled it out by
proving that the Gita taught non-attachment.
Violence could be justified only as a sense of
duty and in a spirit of complete detachment.
Gandhi believed
that every activity should be seen in the context
of the spirit in which it was conceived and
conducted. And this included a mans life
only because it helps to preserve and sustain
human life. And that is why he took the view of
celibacy for he wanted to assimilate man in women
and vice-versa. This experiment provoked
widespread criticism but he did not withdraw. He
wanted to develop spiritual power. It is
difficult to form an opinion on Gandhi in this
regard for in a fragile social structure like in
India he was treading on a path which many felt
was insulting the basic relationship. By not
making his wife a partner in his vow, he
contradicted his own belief of uplift of women.
Sometimes Gandhi
expected too much of his country men and thus it
was difficult to follow his principles. Yes, he
was right when he said that one should assign his
views on sex the proper place. His discussion in
this regard with various women around him was
quite candid and surprising for he regarded them
to be pure.
It is
unfortunate that despite practising
self-restraint, he could not master it till the
end of his life. He only placed moral dilemmas
before the others and was not very clear about
his experiments.
The British
colonialists justified their rule on the ground
that Indians themselves practised and justified
untouchability for ages. This was one area in
which Gandhi came up with a new theory as he
could see its political importance. He said that
unlike his predecessors who stressed social
equality and rejected the caste system,
untouchability had no basis in the scriptures and
was a corruption which had entered the caste
system over the ages.
But the drawback
in Gandhis practice was that he did not
help the dalits to stand on their own feet. The
writer rightly says that he gave them power but
not dignity and self-respect but no
self-confidence. Gandhis campaign could not
break the bastion of the high caste economic and
social domination.
Gandhi wanted
his autobiography to deal with his soul. It would
be concerned with his experiments in the course
of his life .
It was to be
informal and brutally frank, for it would deal
with the Mahatmas lapses and failures.He
did not want anybody to hold him in awe but he
wanted readers to be charged with the scientific
spirit of experiment and humility. His katha
is definitely introspective and Indian. He did
not shy away from writing his lifestory like most
of his predecessors but gave it a new twist by
making it a story of his soul.
He mobilised the
peasants but under the overall leadership of the
bourgeoise. He was against the capitalist system
for it was expolitative in nature and did not let
the capitalists develop self-respect or
self-discipline. Gandhi believed their work was
essential for every human being as it helped to
enhance their personality and this could be
achieved only through satyagraha.
Why did Gandhi
rake up local issues and not touch the explosive
ones? Because it would expose the weakness of
ones community which the foreign power was
bound to exploit. Gandhis fears were not
baseless as we saw in the massacre during
partition.
The main
drawback of Gandhis experiment was that
they were based purely on faith. The writer has
dealt with Gandhi and his philosophy in different
spheres of life. It is very rare to find a book
which deals with Hinduism and how Gandhi saw,
felt and modified it. The writer fulfils the
expectations of the reader to the full.
Gandhi did not
leave behind an ideology but a set of principles
which he had developed, which sometimes had the
sanction of society and religion and many a time
did not. But the fact is that he lived according
to his doctrines. He practised what he preached
and left his fellow seekers to adapt, reject or
correct his doctrine. Gandhi very rightly headed
the "national family" in its hour of
crisis and rightly earned the title of Mahatma.
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Women farm labour doubly
cursed
Review
by Ashu Pasricha
Women
Rural Labourers Problems and Prospects by
Mahesh V. Joshi. APH Publishing, New Delhi. Pages
270. Rs 600.
ONE of the ironies of
human civilisation is that over the past
millenia, woman, mans partner in
development and search for happiness, has reached
the very heights of achievement and recognition
and plunged to the depths of exploitation. What
causes the inequality of sexes? Is woman
stereotyped and exploited only as a biological
creature itself a myth or has man
relegated woman to a second-class position by his
own assumed position of superiority? Must women
carry on as bearer of child while the male
arrogates to himself the status of protector?
History despairs of this dichotomy, sociologists
fret and fume searching for answers and feminists
agitate for an end to eternal injustice. All the
while, the real woman, as man is fond of saying,
works quietly and efficiently at home, for honour
and happiness.
Throughout
history inequality of women has been the central
theme of male-dominated culture.
One of the basic
factors for the denial of an equal share to woman
in development relates to the division of labour
between sexes. This division has been justified
on the basis of the child-bearing function of
woman and this is important for the survival of
the human species. Consequently, distribution of
tasks and responsibilities between man and woman
has restricted woman mainly to the domestic
sphere. Mass poverty and general backwardness has
aggravated the inequality. While womans
child- bearing and child-rearing functions are
respected in many societies, there has been very
little recognition of womans actual or
potential contribution in the economic, social
and cultural areas.
The role of
women within the family combined with a high
level of unemployment and under-employment has
given man priority in getting employment. It is
understandable that woman cannot be expected to
join the army, for instance, as soldiers but
Israels well-known and rightly feared
Sabrahs or woman commandos have shattered the
myth of male superiority and has thus challenged
his priority for most jobs. There is something
much more to the inequality of the sexes than the
mere question of physical strength or aptitude.
The book under
review "Women Rural Labourers" is a
state-level study. It has covered all the
important regions of the state namely
central Gujarat, south Gujarat, north Gujarat and
Saurashtra, covering eight districts, from each
of which one underdeveloped and one developed
taluka and one underdeveloped village of each
taluka have been selected for investigation. This
classification is based on methods adopted by the
state government, research scholars and other
committees.
Ten households
of female agricultural labourers have been
studied in detail from each of these 30 villages.
India claims to
have witnessed green revolution but agricultural
labourers have not greatly benefitted.
Under-employment, underdevelopment and bloated
population are a daily reality in their lives.
Their wages are unusually low. The condition of
work adds to injustice and work is usually
irregular. They suffer from social disabilities
and are prone to economic exploitation. Their
living standards are very low and despite their
earnings, they live below the poverty line. The
problems of agricultural labourers are serious
but those of female farm workers are worse.
The disadvantage
of female agricultural labourers is somewhat
different from that of male agricultural
labourers and those in non-agricultural sector.
Agricultural activity depends on monsoon which is
unpredictable, making theirs a seasonal
occupaton. There is no trade union because farm
labourers are scattered. The labourers have no
bargaining power and no political support.
Female
agricultural labourers are not able to take
advantage of any social security scheme. Because
of their ignorance they do not benefit from the
welfare schemes for agricultural labourers.
The nature of
work of male and female agricultural labourers is
quite different. Female workers do simple,
non-technical and unskilled or semi-skilled work.
Therefore they do not get higher wages which
technical, mechanical and skilled farm workers
command. Most female workers belong to the
backward classes.
Though it is a
state-level study, its conclusions are applicable
to the country as a whole since the effects of
long years of discrimination have been
accentuated by underdevelopment. While women
account for 50 per cent of the population and
one-third of the total labour force, they work
for nearly two-thirds of the total working hours
but receive only one-tenth of the income and own
less than one per cent of property. These
statistics are for the world as a whole and in a
poor country like India the situation should be
more grim. The story of overworked women in the
rural areas of the developing and under-developed
countries is well known. The type of agricultural
work generally expected of woman is highly
labour-intensive and new technologies passes them
by.
Their wages are
generally less than what men receive because it
is assumed that women are less efficient than
men. In ownership of land, women do not enjoy
equal rights, particularly in the developing
countries where most of the production,
processing, storage and preparation of food is
carried on by women. These tasks account for 50
per cent of the total labour involved in food
production. Many of these tasks are performed by
children, particularly girls. From the viewpoint
of food for the peasant family, the woman
continues to remain a central figure. Besides
helping the menfolk in many agricultural
operations, women have to do household chores.
Bringing water from far-off wells and streams and
gathering fuel wood from forests are all in a
days work.
This enormous
waste of human energy is unnecessary in this age
of technology. A lonely girl walking with a
pitcher of water on her head may be a fit subject
for a discerning cameraman, but it is a crying
symbol of neglect of women in the new millennium.
The year 1975
was declared as International Womens Year
to focus attention on the need for improving the
status of women in various societies The Decade
of Women was observed form 1976 under the
auspices of the United Nations. Though the decade
ended in 1985, a visible sense of purpose and
awakening does not mark the attempts to carry
forward the cause of women development.
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BOOK
EXTRACT
Crisis
of world capitalism: worse to come
This
article by David McNally has been extracted from
Monthy Review, Volume 51 published by cornerstone
publications, Kharagpur.
ONE of the great
advantages of Marxs analysis is precisely
that it conceives of capitalism as a social
system. Rather than ascribing social and
economic ills to specific policies or
institutional failings, Marxs approach
enables us to see them as inherent tendencies of
the "laws of motion" of capitalism, the
basic rules by which a society based upon the
relation between capital and wage-labour
reproduces itself. That is why the national and
regional studies brought together ought to be
seen as concrete and specific mappings of the
ways in which the general tendencies of
capitalism manifest themselves in particular
parts of the system, not as discrete studies
dealing with radically different objects of
investigation (like the Japanese economy, Latin
American economy, the sub-Saharan African
economy). The problems of the national and
regional economies are parts of a whole: the
global capitalist economy.
And here we need
to pause to underline the word capitalist in the
above formulation. Too often, journalistic
impressionism and bourgeois obfuscation result in
images of an undefined world economy, an abstract
global entity emptied of specific social class
relations, regional hierarchies, and underlying
dynamics. Yet, the global economy today can only
be properly anatomised if we understand it as the
latest configuration of international capitalism.
We are dealing, in other words, with the
international organisation of a dominant social
relationship (between capital and wage-labour)
and the globalisation of capitalisms basis
dynamics and contradictions: the drive to
accumulate by appropriating surplus value, the
accompanying tendency to overaccumulation, and
the profitability cirses (often expressed in
financial turmoil) that this entails. We
confront, therefore, not multiple, discrete and
disconnected economies in turmoil, but
system-wide difficulties which speak of the
inherent contradictions of capitalism. Once we
recognise this, it becomes clear that the current
turbulence in the world economy most
recently manifest in the crises that have shaken
Japan, East Asia, Russia, and Brazil is
not susceptible to Keynesian or social democratic
regulation. "It cannot be solved by a new
financial architecture," as Canadas
Finance Minister proposes, nor by new regulations
governing capital flows and financial
transactions. The root problem is the very social
foundation of the capitalist world economy.
To talk of
global capitalism, as we must, is also to invite
misunderstanding. Mainstream media and neoliberal
politicians commonly depict the modern world as
one where capital, emancipated from all
constraints of space and time, is now free to
circle the globe (via the electronic circuits of
digital information systems), occasionally
touching down to make profits. These images,
often compressed in the notion of
"globalisation", have given rise to the
idea that today, as one New York financier has
put it, "capital has wings".
Without denying
the new speed of financial transactions and the
importance of new forms of international
integration and organisation of capital, it is
crucial to insist that the idea of capital with
wings is a fetishistic abstraction. Capital,
after all, does not exist as a unitary entity, it
involves the complex, contradictory, and
antagonistic interaction of many capitals, and
these are organised in relation to specific
spaces within the geography of the world system.
Historically,
the nation-state, a territorially bound and
defined entity, has been the central
instrumentality for the organisation of
capitalist power. To be sure individual capitals
need not have a strictly national identity.
Particularly in the age of multinational
corporations and global financial institutions,
capital is in part organised in and through
multinational forms. The growing importance of
global economic institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World
Trade Organisation (WTO), and the World Bank
speaks of the realities of a global
capitalist system, as does the proliferation of
multilateral trade and investment agreements like
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA),
the European Economic Union (EU), the Asia
Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the South
American trade block (Mercosur) and so on.
But we lose
sight of a crucial dimension of the
internationalisation of capital if we drop the
nation-state out of view. After all trade and
investment pacts are precisely deals negotiated
between nation-states, as Albo and Zuege point
out. Moreover, most of the agreements which
transfer elements of economic and political
decision-making to multinational institutions are
more about the regionalisation of capital than
about internationlisation pure and simple. During
the current era of "globalisation",
three main regional blocs of capital have been
congealing: a North American bloc centred around
the USA economy (and organised in part through
NAFTA); another based in Europe (organised
through the EU); and one in East Asia centred
around Japan. These are competing regional centre
of accumulation, each with a dominant national
power. Rather than constituting a unitary world
capital, global capitalism is taking shape
through the competitive relations among
nationally and regionally-based capitals.
For that reason,
this review of capitalism at the millennium has
been constructed through analyses of national and
regional economies. We make little headway, after
all, if we simply invoke the world economy as a
general abstraction. A concept like "the
population," noted Marx, "is an empty
abstraction if I leave out, for example, the
classes of which it is composed." Similarly,
if we hope to develop a meaningful notion of
global capitalism as a concrete totality, we must
attend to its spatial political formation in
relations among competing national and regional
economies. Moreover, we need to remember that
these relations also entail systemic inequalities
and hierarchies of power. Some parts of the
world, as Saul and Leys, Patnaik, and Petras and
Veltmeyer remind us, are integrated into the
world economy in systematically subordinated
positions. In short, globalising capitalism also
remains a system of imperialism.
What is more,
imperialism today is in significant measure
organised through the medium of global
institutions like the IMF and the World Bank,
that are effectively dominated by a handful of
the worlds most powerful nation-states. It
is the IMF, for instance, that embodies the
imperatives of global capital when it imposes
loan conditions and structural adjustment
programmes on Thailand, Nigeria or Brazil. And
these imperatives are largely defined in places
like Washington, London, and Bonn. Rather than a
disappearance of the nation-state, we are
witnessing its reorganisation as multilateral
institutions come to play a larger role in an era
of globalising markets and international flows of
investment. But these multilateral institutions
actually extend the reach of the worlds
most powerful nation-states, while significantly
constraining those outside the core regions of
the system. the decline of national sovereignty
so familiar to theorists of the nation-state
today is in fact a highly differential and
unequal process which tends to exacerbate global
power imbalances.
To make points
such as these, to insist on the persistence of
the nation-state, imperialism and the basic
dynamics of capitalism is often to be
misinterpreted as saying that "nothing has
changed". Yet that is not at all the point
of the argument. Capitalism is undergoing unique
and important transformations at the moment
as it has throughout its history
and we are duty bound to try to map these as
intelligibly as we can.
The problem is
that a certain amount of debunking is often in
order before we can begin to make sense of what
is going on. This is the result of the plethora
of impressionistic analyses which suggest that
classical socialist politics are finished because
capital has now gone global. Underlying such
views one usually finds the assumption that the
normal and natural form of capitalism is the
state-regulated monopoly capitalism of the
Keynesian era (roughly 1945-1975). As a result,
the closer integration of national economies over
the past 25 years (and the attendant decline in
state direction and regulation of these
economies) is interpreted as a dramatic break, a
rupture, in the history of capitalism one
that effectively constitutes an epochal shift and
invalidates the conventional categories of
socialist analysis. Yet such accounts represent
another case of ahistorical thinking. For looked
at in historical perspective, it becomes clear
that the era of "globalisation" of the
past 25 years or so largely represents a
reversion to form for capitalism after the
anomaly of the so-called "Keynesian
era". It is worth spending a moment on this
point given some of the confusion that abound.
In the early
years of the 20th century internationalisation of
capital was a common preoccupation of Marxist
theorists one need only think of the
analyses of Luxemburg, Lenin, and Bukharin in
this regard. And this should come as no surprise
given that, as a commentator for the Financial
Times of London has put it, "Before 1914 the
world economy was in many respects as integrated
as it is today and in certain respects more
so." In fact, one analyst insists that in
the late 19th and early 20th centuries world
financial markets "were more fully
integrated than they were before or have been
since." The preoccupation of early 20th
century Marxists with the internationalisation of
capital thus grew out of long-term trends toward
the formation of an increasingly integrated and
global capitalist economy.
Seen in this
perspective, it becomes clear that it is the
30-year period from about 1929 to 1960 which is
the exception to the rule, as depression, war and
post-war reconstruction turned domestic economies
in on themselves, ushering in a period of largely
delinked "managed national economies.
By 1950, in fact, trade in manufactures as a
percentage of output had fallen to half the level
of 1900. In a large measure, then, the increased
integration of national economies and the
globalisation of trade and investment are not new
phenomena of the 1980s and 1990s. Instead, they
might better be seen as resuming trends that date
back to at least the 19th century trends
which were dramatically (but temporarily)
interrupted by global depression, world war, and
their aftereffects.
For all these
reasons, the idea that we might return to an era
of Keynesian-style state regulation of national
economies is an entirely antihistorical one. The
so-called "Keynesian era" was the
unique product of a catastrophic period for
capitalism in the first half of the 20th century,
and the economic, social, political, and military
instabilities it involved. Furthermore, the idea
that demand management created the post-war boom
is entirely suspect after all those major
economies most inclined in this direction (the
USA, and Britain in particular) grew much more
slowly than their rivals (such as Germany and
Japan) whose emphasis was on the supply side.
Nevertheless, the (generally overestimated)
capacity of Keynesian mechanisms to offset slumps
declined as the world economy resumed its path
toward internationalisation. But that very
disintegration of Keynesianism merely
demonstrates capitals inherent drive to
create a world economy in its own image. The
Keynesian project was doomed as soon as
capitalism significantly resumed its path toward
globalisation (and global over-accumulation). And
it is for precisely this reason that some of us
on the Left have argued that, rather than having
been rendered obsolete, the Marxist analysis of
capitalism is more relevant in the era of
globalisation than ever before.
This is not to
say that there are no new phenomena at work today
or that we do not need to develop new lines of
inquiry and analysis if we are to chart the
geography of capitalism at the millennium.
Indeed, it seems to me that there are some
importantly new features of global capitalism
today and that we need the basic armoury
of Marxian concepts if we are to make sense of
them.
We do have a
more truly global manufacturing system today
with multinational firms producing key
components of fully manufactured goods in
countries ranging from Mexico to Malaysia.
Nevertheless, the increased integration of
national economies has not dramatically reduced
the overall weight of production in and for
national markets (about 85 per cent of all
industrial output). In addition, throughout the
1980s, when the buzzword
"globalisation" came to prominence,
two-thirds of all inwards flows of foreign direct
investment went into the USA or Europe. By no
means has the overall predominance of production
for national markets declined; nor has the
preponderant weight of the major capitalist
powers.
It is certainly
true, however, that we encounter unprecedented
forms of international finance today. It is
usually this both because of sheer volume
and the tremendous speed with which financial
transactions occur in digital markets that
has attracted most notice in economic commentary.
Every day, after all, more than one trillion
dollars turns over in foreign exchange markets,
only about 15 per cent of which represents actual
capital flows and trade in commodities. There can
be little doubt that these financial flows have
developed a significant autonomy from the actions
of governments and central banks. And this means
a heightened volatility in world financial
markets, particularly in those most driven by
speculative trading.
Yet it is
important to emphasise that global finance has
not become utterly detached from the movement of
direct investment. True over the period 1989-1994
private financial flows into "emerging
markets" grew by 313 per cent. But private
domestic investment into these same markets
jumped by over 200 per cent during these years.
Rather than having become entirely autonomous,
financial capital largely moves in the grooves
laid down by flows of direct investment (in
factories, hotels, telecommunication systems and
the like), albeit significantly overshooting the
later just as one would expect in the late
stages of a speculative boom. Should we doubt
that fact, we need only observe the panic (and
capital flight) that grips financial markets when
the local rate of return on productive investment
begins (or threatens) to fall. Thus, while a
crisis often manifests itself in the first
instance as a financial meltdown, this largely
expresses instabilities that have developed in
the sphere of production and capital
accumulation. The apparent autonomy of financial
capital is thus largely that apparent.
Indeed, it is
worth reminding ourselves just how powerful a
feature of "globalisation" foreign
direct investment has been. During the 1980s, for
example, measured foreign direct investment (FDI)
grew at three times the speed of world trade and
four times faster than global output. That is why
rules governing investment have become such a hot
issue in regional and world trade talks
not least in the failed negotiations for a
Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI).
While there is a
new relative autonomy to world financial flows,
therefore, it is entirely misleading to think of
these as detached from the movement of productive
investment. The more globalised economy at the
millennium remains one driven by classic patterns
of capitalist investment and accumulation
and thus characterised by tendencies toward
overaccumulation and crisis.
These essays
clearly demonstrate that world capitalism today
remains fraught with instabilities. Despite
indeed, in part because of the
ferocious capitalist restructuring of the past
two decades, the world economy is characterised
by enormous overcapacity, an ever-growing
structure of debt, speculative volatility and
major global imbalances. Since the mid-1990s,
these have produced a succession of national and
regional crises in Japan, East Asia, Russia and
Brazil. As Japan continues to falter, as Europe
slows down, and as the US trade deficit baloons
amid stock market speculation that cannot be
sustained, it becomes just a matter of time until
the next shock waves hit the system.
To make these
points is not to suggest the approach of
"the final crisis" which would
simply be a radical version of millennial
madness. It is to insist, however, that there
will be no reprieve from the pattern of recurring
crises and ferocious attacks on jobs and working
class living standards we have witnessed since
the start of the great slowdown of the mid-1970s.
Rather than a return to post-war visions of
prosperity, global capitalism will remain
sluggish, nasty, and crisis-prone for the
foreseeable future.
And that means
we should expect a continuation of perhaps
even-some qualitative developments in the
patterns of resistance we have seen in recent
years. For one of the most inspiring things about
developments in the second half of the 1990s has
been the emergence, in the face of terrible
difficulties, of new radical mass movements. At a
time when much of the traditional Left
particularly that in social-democratic and
Communist Party circles is in full-scale
retreat (sometimes outrightly casting their lot
with neoliberalism), the emergence of new radical
movements points us toward the forces of the next
Left.
Here I am
talking not simply about explosions of popular
militancy mass strikes and student
protests in France, rural insurgency in Mexico,
the student uprising in Indonesia, mass protest
in India, general strikes in Korea, Columbia,
Venezuela and Puerto Rico although the
significance of these cannot be overstated. I am
also referring to the emergence of new radical
working class and popular organisations that are
thinking, talking, and mobilising in increasingly
socialist terms.
The Landless
Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil which has
settled 500,000 families on land seized through
occupation; the independent and democratic unions
which have spearheaded opposition in Zimbabwe;
the Intersindical in Mexico which, inspired by
the Zapatista uprising, was launched to bring
together independent unions, workers coops,
rank and file union opposition groups, community
organisations, and leftist parties into a common
front; the recently formed Indonesian Front for
Labour Struggles (FNPBI) which has united
democratic and militant workers organisations in
that country all these movements and more
are signs of the new forms of class struggle and
class organisations emerging at the millennium.
Moreover, as commentators have noted,
organisations such as these are distinguished by
the central role that women and young workers are
playing a point which is underscored by
the election of the young, female, jailed union
organiser Dita Sar as general secretary of the
FNPBI in Indonesia.
To draw
attention to these important forms of class
resistance to capitalism at the millennium is not
to be sanguine about the difficulty of the
struggles that lie ahead. It is, returning to the
theme of these remarks, to underline that the
present really is history; the ongoing struggle
of those exploited and oppressed by global
capitalism to make a different kind of society, a
different kind of history, where the common
interests of the producers in the well-being
health happiness and enjoyment
defines the basic logic and priorities of social
life. And that, in the final analysis, is what
this exercise is all about: interpreting the
world of global capitalism today, the better to
change it.
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