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Beginning of Bofors scam
by
P.K. Vasudeva
How
the Bofors Affair Transformed India
1989-99 by M. Mayadas. Lancer Publishers, New
Delhi. Pages 174. Rs 395.
THE book deals with the
controversial purchase of the Army and has off
and on rocked Parliament during the past 15
years. The multi-million dollar kickback in the
purchase of the Bofors howitzers is back in the
news. The book deals with the Army need for of
the Swedish gun, and how its purchase led to the
eclipse of political stability in last decade.
In 1984 the
author was the Director-General of Weapons and
Equipment at the Army Headquarters and was
appointed chairman of the committee to evaluate
the various 155-mm guns and select the best for
the Army. He has given a detailed history of the
battles that were fought on the files between the
Army Headquarters (AHQ) and the Ministry of
Defence (MoD) to decide on which gun was
superior. The Bofors gun was good, but not the
best, and was selected much against the
recommendations of this committee.
The author
starts with the details as to how he took over as
Director, Weapons and Equipment (DWE) at the AHQ
after commanding a division in the East for over
two years and after having commanded the
prestigious Armoured Corps Centre and School
(ACC&S) in Ahmednagar. He has also given an
insight into how an Army organisation functions.
The military system has evolved slowly over many
centuries and is a combination of both science
and art. There cannot be any better or more
efficient system of functioning, which has been
tried over the years in the Army.
In 1975 the Army
decided that a better gun was required to
modernise the artillery. The 130-mm Rusian gun
built at the end of World War II is a field and
naval gun, and was quite useful as a long-range
artillery piece. However, it was no good as a
howitzer because it could not clear the steep
mountain crests (heights). Pakistan, on the other
hand, had a variety of American and Chinese
medium guns giving it a certain edge.
The author says
that there were four contenders the
Austrian GHN 45 manufactured by Voest Alpine and
marketed by Noricum, the French TR manufactured
by GIAT (Sofima), the trinational FH 70 (of the
United Kingdom and Germany and later Italy) was
offered by the UK and the Swedish FH 77 B
manufactured by Bofors. Of these four guns, only
the French TR had so far been mounted on a tank
chassis, and a prototype existed called the GCT.
Bofors said that it too could be mounted on a
tank, the Austrians said that this could be
easily done, and the British said no to the
proposal.
During the
trials no Indian officer witnessed the Bofors gun
firing beyond 21.5 km. Indian officers had
however seen the French gun fire up to a range of
31.5 km, and the Austrian gun reaching 39 km. In
1982 General Sundarji led a team of experts to
Europe to assess the guns and give his
recommendations. The author says that strangely
enough, no delegation report was sent to DWE for
study, when it was mandatory. On his return to
AHQ Sundarji made an evaluation, and placed the
French gun first, the British gun second, the
Swedish, third and the Austrian was placed last.
Though the Austrian gun figured last, it was
recommended for the immediate purchase of 400
guns on a one-time agreement. The first three
were also recommended for production under
licence.
The MoD did not
accept the recommendations of the AHQ and a
debate started between the MoD and the AHQ in
1984. The MoD formed a technical evaluation
committee (TEC) under the chairmanship of the
author in May, 1984. The author led a team of
senior officers from the Army and other services
and thoroughly examined all four guns. The
recommendations were based on the GSQR, which was
not available earlier.
After this
process Bofors was placed at number three,
followed by the Austrian and French guns. But the
MoD purchased 400 Bofors against the
recommendations of the TEC.
The author
points out that his deposition before the Joint
Parliamentary Committee (JPC) was quite amusing.
The terms of reference given to the JPC were
quite ambiguous and unclear. It was dealing with
the historical background and modalities of
deciphering why one weapon system was found
superior to the rest and then purchased. The
tragedy was that no expert was included in the
JPC.
The book is
based on his personal experiences both in service
and after retirement. He has traced the colonial
history and how it took 300 years to make India a
nation. The political aftermath of the Bofors
affairs 1989 to 1999 is interesting
and exhaustive.
The author had
been meeting Mr V.P. Singh the then junior
Defence Minister, who was looking into the
previous submarine, aircraft and Bofors deals,
but everywhere he ran into a mute wall, and could
get nothing to work on. The author has lashed at
the bureaucracy which wanted him to change his
report, but he refused to oblige.
«
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Law relating to
the Armed Forces in India by Nilendra Kumar and
Rekha Chaturvedi. Universal Law Publishing, New
Delhi. Pages 586. Rs 595.
Of late the
Armed Forces personnel are going to civil court
seeking redressal of their grievances like denial
of promotion, courts martial cases, injustice
regarding pay and pensions and so on. However, in
the absence of case law in military matters, the
High Courts and the Supreme Court did not have
for easy reference the earlier rulings on the
same or similar legal issues. The present volume
covers rulings given by various High Courts and
the Supreme Court on military rules and service
conditions of the armed forces as well as
civilians working in the defence forces and also
the civilians who come under the Army Act.
The authors have
given the contents in an alphabetical and
chronological fashion so that a reader finds it
easy to trace the subject matter he is interested
in. The authors have given a table of reported
and unreported cases again in an alhabetical
order and have shown these separately. The
reported cases are from the Supreme Court, the
High Courts and the Central Administrative
Tribunals (CAT) of various zones. Cases reported
in the All India Reporter (AIR), All India
Service Law Journal, Civil Law Reporter, Civil
Law Journal, Service Law Reporter, Service Law
Journal, and so on have been incorporated at
relevant places.
Besides the
Army, Navy and Air Force Acts and Rules and
Manual of Indian Military Law (MIML), the author
has dealt with the Central Reserve Police Force
(CRPF) Rules, Criminal Procedure Code (CPC),
Labour and Industrial Cases, Defence Services
Regulations, Indian Evidence Act and so on. The
Administrative action like the one taken against
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat has been dealt with in
details. Appeal against such administrative
action proceedings lies only in the Supreme
Court. This action is taken in rare cases.
Normally the
armed forces personnel are either tried summarily
by a court-martial, where an accused is given
sufficient time and opportunities to defend
himself, including with the help of a civilian
lawyer. But administrative action is the most
powerful tool with the armed forces when quick
justice is called for and there is no time to go
for a court-martial, which takes time. The
authors have included the rulings and case laws
upto April, 1999.
Over the years
the Supreme Court of India and High Court have
examined and interpreted a number of important
provisions of the Army Act and the Army Rules
pertaining to the administration of justice. This
volume lists various rulings relevant to the law
concerning the army personnel and Air Force and
Navy personnel in particular and also the
civilians coming under the Army Act in general.
All topics
concerning the Army Act and the Service matters
relating to the defence personnel have been
divided into a number of broad themes and neatly
arranged. Each group studies the various issues
pertaining to that topic. For example,
"Administrative Action" has been dealt
with under a number of topics such as the Army
Act Section 19, Army rule 14, show cause notice,
financial regulations, terminations of service,
action after abortive court martial, limitation
period, deprivation of appointment, natural
justice, effective date for an award of censure
order and Presidential pleasure. Similarly,
"Court Martial" has been dealt with
under a number a topics such as its history,
inquiry prior to compliance of Army Rule 22 and
the period of limitation. To find the relevant
case law on, say "Is court martial a
tribunal", one has just to look under the
main head "Constitution of India".
In case a
particular topic has relevance to more than one
group, there is convenient cross-reference. For
example, "alternate remedy" is listed
under "Constitution of India" as also
"Writs". Similarly, "Parole"
will also be found under "Convict",
"Leave", "Study Leave",
"Imprisonment", and so on.
For the sake of
uniformity, all citations of law cases reported
in various journals have been described with
surname first, followed by the initials and then
military rank held by the petitioner. Since the
Indian Army is modelled on the British Army, the
rulings pertaining to the court martial cases of
the armies of western countries have also been
included to help in understanding the military
ethos and rationale guiding the jurisdiction of
the civil courts over the men in uniform.
As the armed
forces personnel most frequently refer to the
Army Act, Army Rules, Defence Services
Regulations and the Indian Evidence Act, these
have also been incorporated in this volume.
Explanatory notes to the Army Act and Army Rules
have also been reproduced as appendices. Case
laws have been dealt meticulously and succinctly.
The books
explain the Constitution, particularly the
fundamental rights and other relevant Articles.
There is a separate chapter on disability
pension. A chapter on ex-servicemen is of great
importance. It includes tips on how to count army
service, benefits of past army service,
definition of ex-servicemen, war service
benefits, reservation for released armed forces
personnel, pay fixation, absorption on permanent
basis, concessions, loans from banks and
employment opportunities.
Recently the Law
Commission has recommended the establishment of
an Armed Forces Tribunal which aggrieved defence
services personnel can approach for redressal.
Its decision can be chalenged only in the apex
court.
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Princes of chivalry
by
M.L. Sharma
The
Rajputs of Rajputana A Glimpse of Medieval
Rajasthan by M.S. Naravane. APH Publishing, New
Delhi. Pages 184. Rs 700.
DR Naravane has made an
indepth study of the socio-political and military
ethos of Rajasthan in the book under review. He
has tried to grasp the essence of the cultural
traditions of the brave and chivalrous people of
Rajasthan.
As Rajput officers and
men in the Indian Army are still true to their
traditions, it is worth a careful study to
explore their roots and social behaviour and how
they draw their inspiration from the colourful
legends in which their land abounds. It is a
well-known fact that Rajasthan is a jewel in the
desert and if you exclude the state from the map
of India, there is not much to speak of Indian
imperial martial traditions. The spirit of
dedication, loyalty, unflinching and unflappable
character, quality of leadership, valour and a
strong sense of dignity and honour were the
characteristics of a Kshatriya warrior of ancient
India. Maharana Pratap, Rana Sanga, Udai Singh,
Prithviraj Chauhan and others are immortal.
Even Akbar had
great respect and admiration for their courage
and dedication to duty and Raja Bhagwan Das and
Man Singh were held in great esteem by the great
Mughal. He relied on them more than he relied on
Muslim courtiers and warriors except Khanen Khan
and a few others.
Gen V.P. Malik,
in the foreword to this book, has lauded the
efforts of the author, a retired Wing Commander,
in trying to "understand the true essence of
the culture and traditions of the Rajputs, a
people who epitomise chivalry and courage"
and to explore the sources from which they drew
their dauntless and death-defying courage,
unflagging zeal, unshakable composure and
unflinching soldiery.
Naravane has
tried to analyse the politico-geographic account
as recorded by James Tod in his classic work,
"The Annals and Antiquities of
Rajasthan". The places of historical
interest have been listed in the book. He has
toured the length and breadth of Rajasthan thrice
and has visited places of historical and cultural
interest and, therefore, offers first- hand
information.
In sketching the
medieval Rajasthan, he has drawn material from
different sources, specially from Tods work
and Rajasthan gazetteers. Anyone writing a book
on Rajasthan will find it a formidable task to
equal Tod (to excel him is a herculean task, if
not an impossibility). Naravane has done a
painstaking job in examining the interludes and
legends which Tod dealt with in graphic details.
While Naravane mentions Gora and Badul as two
brave Rajputs, Tod calls them as inhabitants of
Ceylon, closely related to Padmini, as an uncle
and a cousin. The legend of the goddess of
Chittor seeking sacrifice of 12 royal personages
seems to have been taken from Tods work.
The author has
dealt at length with the causes of Rajput
debacles at the hands of Muslim invaders and has
blamed them for their lack of mastery in
strategy. In the chapter, "The military
ethos of the Rajputs", he writes: "It
is hard to understand why the Rajputs failed to
realise the changing pattern of warfare and the
use of arms. It was Babars artillery which
was primarily responsible for Sangas defeat
at Kanhua. Yet the lesson was not learnt... Added
to the lack of generalship was a chronic lack of
cohesion in Rajput ranks. They had neither
political unity at the higher level nor unity of
command on the field of battle.. And finally, the
Rajputs considered it below their dignity to
employ stratagems"
In the same
chapter he further comments: "The strategic
and tactical needs were often either not grasped
or ignored. Seldom was there any preparation for
a possible withdrawal... The so-called notions of
chivalry often led to a victory, or possible
victory, turning into a defeat. Innumerable
examples can be given to show how the Rajputs
disregarded principles of war and turned an
almost sure victory into defeat". This
analysis will be of interest to army strategists.
The author seems
to have missed the point that the Rajputs used to
consider ethics superior to expediency and they
did not bother about defeat and death but only
about their honour and principles. The Rajputs
were men of word and they prized
"maryada" above everything else. Even
Alaudin Khilji, however treacherous he might have
been, was fully confident that no harm could be
done to him while the prince of Chittor
accompanied him to his camp after he had a
glimpse of Padmini because the Rajputs did not
believe in hitting below the belt.
The book
provides useful information about the religious
and social ceremonies of the Rajputs and the
origin of various clans. But details about
"sati" and "jauhar" could
have been omitted as these are well known. Maps
and photographs enhance the value of the book.
"In memory of Lieut-Col, James Tod" is
quite engrossing.
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All the kings men
by
Kuldip Dhiman
Governance
in Ancient India (From the Rigvedic Period to c.
AD 650) by Anup Chandra Pandey. D. K. Printworld,
New Delhi. Pages 232. Rs 300.
"A native of the soil,
high-born, influential, well-trained in the arts
and crafts, far-sighted, wise, of retentive
memory, intelligent, skilful, bold, eloquent,
sweet in speech, good debater, full of enthusiasm
and energy, self-controlled, of amiable nature,
firm in royal devotion, free from qualities
exciting hatred and enmity, of tested honesty,
and possessing an attractive personality."
This is the redoubtable Kautilya, or Chanakya,
describing the qualities of a civil servant.
In his recent
book "Governance in Ancient India", Anup
Chandra Pandey brings to light, perhaps for the
first time, the way kingdoms were run in ancient
India. Culling his material from vedic
literature, the epics, and other accounts,
Pandey, himself a civil servant, presents an
interesting picture of governance in ancient
India. It is impossible to believe, the author
argues, that these powerful states had not
evolved a well-organised administrative and
military system manned by specialised
functionaries. "They must have raised a
financial and fiscal structure to meet the needs
of standing armies with their equipment, the
civil service with its expanding areas of
administration and of public welfare, and of the
law enforcing agencies."
Monarchy was no
doubt the accepted form of government in ancient
India, but the king rarely had unlimited powers.
There was always a battery of civil servants to
restrain him. And that was why, although we might
have had some very incompetent or even bad rulers
in the past, we have rarely had tyrants. This,
perhaps, also explains why democracy has taken
root so quickly and easily in India.
The existence of
the civil service in ancient India, the author
says, is indicated by a number of technical words
like amatya, ratnin, tirtha, mahamatra,
adhikratah, narah, raja-bhara-niyukta, sahaya,
rajapurusha, rajayukta, etc. The ancients
never failed to appreciate the importance of good
governance. They believed that if the civil
service was vigorous and energetic, the state too
would be. Hence, great care was taken while
selecting civil servants.
To make sure
they got able administrators, candidates were
asked to clear various tests such as dharmopadha
(to test righteousness), arthopadha (to
test resistance to monetary gains), kamopadha (to
test the capacity to control desires), and
bhayopadha (to test fearlessness) before
getting a commission.
In the beginning
the kingdoms were rather small, and hence they
could be easily managed with the help of a couple
of advisers, but by the time of the Atharvaveda
the Aryan influence had extended up to Anga,
Magadha and also Gandhara. So the civil service
grew in size, became a lot more complex, and
began to exercise unprecedented power. The
Rigveda shows the kind of respect the the
civil servant, and especially the purohita
commanded: "That king, indeed, overpowers
all opposing forces with his valour and might,
who maintains Brihaspati (the brahmana
priest), well attended and praises and honours
him as (a deity) deserving the first share (of
the due homage). It was with the help of Angiras,
the priest, that Indra destroyed Vala."
We then move on
to the epic age, beginning with the Ramayana
period when the commonly used word for civil
service was amatya, though other words
like tirthas, mahamatras, adikritah,
raja-bhara-niyukta were also in vogue. Since
kingdoms were now larger, the need for the office
of Chief Minister had begun to be felt during
this period. He was referred to as mantri-shreshtha,
or mantri-pati. He was assisted by 18 amatyas
who were assigned important portfolios of mantri,
purohita, yuvraja, senapati, dauvarika,
antahpuradhikrita, etc.
As we enter the
more complex Mahabharata society, we see
that the word amatya is still in vogue
when referring to a civil servant, but the term rajapurusha
was also gaining acceptance. During the
Mahabharata there were perhaps two bodies of amatyas:
the inner council and the mantri parishad.
Here again it was emphasised that a king cannot,
and should not, rule without an efficient
bureaucracy. What are then the qualities of a
good bureaucrat? He was expected to be an expert
in jnana and vijnana, he should be
high-born and well-bred. Military training was
compulsory for all. The main task of a minister,
in that age, too, was to advise the king on all
important matters.
While the root
of the kingdom is the spy, its essence is the
counsel. Special emphasis was laid on keeping
state secrets, while expert spies were sent to
the enemy territory to get information about
their plans. The main cause of the downfall of a
state, the bureaucrats believed, was its
inability to keep its plans secret.
One thing that
is common in all ancient Indian societies is that
the army was never allowed to dominate the
Cabinet. "It is significant," the
author rightly points out, "that the ancient
Indian polity was dominated by the civil element
rather than military element. This is the reason
why the purohita was given precedence over
the senapati, and the king was advised to
follow the former as a student would follow his
teacher and a servant his master."
The author then
takes us to the Mauryan age, and the Gupta age,
and the Vardhana age, documenting the way the
civil service kept up with the changing cultural
and political scenario.
This is a
well-researched, well-documented and well-written
book that covers uncharted territory. It will
particularly be of interest to students and
scholars interested in ancient Indian history and
political science, and of course anyone
interested in writing historical novels.
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Echo of Kargil fighting
by
Padam Ahlawat
Kargil
99. Blood Guts and Fire Power by Gurmeet Kanwal.
Lancer Publishers, New Delhi. Pages 92.
Illustrated. Rs 995.
THE Regiment of Artillery
has brought out this illustrated volume detailing
its contribution to the victory in the Kargil
conflict. The terrain being favourable to the
entrenched enemy, the infantry was extremely
exposed in its efforts to evict the intruders
with normal artillery cover. The artillery had to
play a major role in destroying the sangars by
its precision bombradment to enable the infantry
to dislodge a weakend enemy. The massed artillery
fire in the Dras, Mushkoh valley, Kaksar and
Batalik sectors forced the intruders to leave the
constructed sangars.
One of the heroes of this
conflict was the Bofors gun which emerged out of
the controversy to show that its choice was not
undeserving.
However, to call
this engagement a war seems a little too
far-fetched. Not only because it was not declared
a war but also the line of control was not
crossed. It was a limited conflict in which the
Indian Army and Air Force openly participated,
though that was not the case with the Pakistan
army and air force. The Pakistan army provided
support to the intruders and backed them up with
its irregulars. Considering the two sectors,
where the intruders dug themselves in, it seems
their objective was not to alter the LoC but to
capture territory for the Mujahideen.
The gunners lost
three officers and 32 men in the conflict to whom
the book is dedicated. Special citations for
outstanding performance was given to 141 Field
Regiment, 197 Field Regiment and 108 Medium
Regiment. The book brings out the close
cooperation with the infantry that made victory
possible.
Excellent
photographs have been provided by the Army, India
Today, Outlook and the Hindustan Times. They tell
their own story with greater impact.
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City Palace of
Udaipur, Historical View and a Guide. Irmgard
Meininger. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi. Pages 96.
Price not mentioned.
Illustrated with
photographs, this is a short volume on the City
Palace of Udaipur and the Maharana of Mewar. The
dynasty traces itself to 566 AD, when Guhil was
elected a king. Legend has it that in 525 AD
Queen Pushpavati was on a pilgrimage to the
shrine of Amba Bhawani, when she heard the
dreadful news that the royal family had been
wiped out. The pregnant queen took refuge with a
Brahmin priest, who lived in a cave in the
Aravalli hills. She gave birth to a son who was
named Guhil (cave born).
Guhil, a very
wild child, spent most of his time with the tribe
of Bhils and became a favourite with their chief.
The Bhils elected Guhil as their king and his
capital was Nagda. Bapa Rawal, who ruled between
734 and 753 shifted the capital to Chittor, which
remained the capital for 800 years. It was Udai
Singh II (1537-1572) who founded Udaipur and made
this his capital.
The house of
Mewar had the unique distinction of refusing to
bow down to the Muslim rulers from Alauddin
Khilji to Aurangzeb. Not even to Akbar. The house
also refused to provide Rajput ladies to the
Mughal court. The story of Padmini and the
courageous Maharana Pratap are well known.
The present
descendant of the House of Mewar. Arvind Singh is
different from the usual ruling houses. Far from
living in the past, the descendant of Rana Pratap
was farsighted to found the historic Resort Hotel
Group. The palaces instead of being a burden are
bringing in money. Rajasthan being a favourite
destination of foreign tourists, this guide book
is primarily for that class of tourists. The
Indian tourist too would also find it
interesting.
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His is mother fixation,
hers daugher fixation
by
R.P. Chaddah
Ancient
Promises - A Novel by Jaishree Misra. Penguin,
New Delhi. Pages 310. Rs 250.
THE exotic backwaters of
Kerala, "Gods own country", have
become the new focal point of Indian English
fiction ever since Arundhati Roy achieved name,
fame and lot of money for her 1997 Booker Prize
winner "The God of Small Things".
Keralite Jaishree Misras "Ancient
Promises" is just out in India (March, 2000)
and another London-based Keralite Preethi
Nairs first novel "Gypsy Masala"
has had a quiet launch at the recent London
International Book Fair.
"Ancient
promises" is the first person account of the
happenings in the life and times of the author
herself, which have left an indelible mark on her
psyche. retelling takes the form of this
autobiography-loaded book. A close reading
reveals that the writer lived through this trauma
and drama of life and has the strength to come
out valiantly and write objectively about it.
Taking the
individual and her personal goal as supreme,
Jaishree was prepared to take herself as her only
viable heroine Janaki Janu, the heroine,
is only a slightly muffled Jaishree.
The book is
about mother-daughter relationship, who view each
other with more understanding and less conflict
and confrontation. But the daughter always
occupies the centerstage, first Janus
mother, then Janu herself and finally Janus
daughters, the mentally disabled Ria
(Rohini in real life and the writers
"lucky mascot and unlikely muse").
Considerable concern for her daughters
"special needs" forces her to take
decisions which are rejected outright by
everybody in the beginning but accepted with
disdain when confronted with her resolve.
The linear
narration of the story starts in the modern home
of Janu in Delhi where as a teenager she has a
crush on a boy Arjun Mehta, a northerner, and a
love affair of sorts which is looked down upon by
the caste-conscious parents of Janu. This was
enough for them to discontinue their
daughters studies and go in for an arranged
marriage for their daughter in their own caste
and in their native state.
Meanwhile
lover-boy Arjun goes off to London to become
somebody without any of the socalled
"promises" to come back and marry Janu,
the object of his teenage romance. But Janu in
her heart of hearts feels that they are going to
cross each others way again, "because
of some promise so ancient....You couldt
feel sorry for things you did in another life,
the only expectation being that you paid for them
in another."
Janu has almost
no option but to accept the inevitable in the
shape of an arranged marriage. Right from the
start this union with Suresh appears to be jinxed
because he has a mother-fixation and belongs to a
status conscious, somewhat rich Maraar family.
Every effort of Janu to win the love and
affection of her in-laws meets with indifference.
To give marriage a fair chance, she goes in to
have a child. And that child Ria turns out to be
suffering from learning diability.
All hell breaks
loose and she is unable to cope with pressure.
But the presence of her daughter gives her new
strength and she starts thinking of ways and
means to take her daughter abroad for special
treatment, of course, without taking her
husbands family into confidence.
On her own steam
she takes the initiative to go for an interview
with some foundation in Delhi. Something else is
in store for her when she visits her schoolmate
and there she meets her old flame Arjun after
years. This Hardyean chance meeting ignites the
embers of love all over again and this time
around they make "promises" to make up
for the lost time in the in-between years in
London.
From now on, he
becomes the decisive factor in all her actions
and she prepares herself to stake everything for
the sake of love for her daughter vis-a-vis her
one-time lover Arjun.
Problems aplenty
come from her in-laws, her own family and society
at large, but with an inner resolve she faces
them all with equanimity. After divorce, custody
of child and what not, she leaves everything in a
limbo and takes a flight to London to find her
dream, to do something concrete for her Ria by
learning about the "special needs" of
such kids. A year in London passes without any
mishap and once in a while in the company of
Arjun, and that once in a while is every weekend
together. Back in India things have sorted out on
their own and everybody is ready to accept her
point of view. She gets everything she desires
and is hopeful of finding happiness away from the
shores of India.
"The
biggest milestones of our lives have a strange
way of drifting silently past us without flashing
the warning signals that really ought to
accompany them."
Further on, she
does believe in "Bonds that are forged even
before the first breath is taken cannot be broken
with the passage of a few thousand miles,
especially when ancient promises wait
unredeemed."
David Godwin is
not wrong when he describes the book as
Austenesque. The novelist has an uncanny gift of
character portrayal, achieving life-like sketches
with a sure touch and rare economy. Jaishree is
already into her second novel which according to
her is "I get inside the head of a man this
time." (The book under review is all too
woman-dominated.)
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One of the last Left
warriors
by
Shelley Walia
Raymond
Williams: Literature, Marxism and Cultural
Materialism by John Higgins. Routledge, London.
Pages 229. £ 13.99.
RAYMOND WILLIAMS,
Britains most distinguished socialist
thinker on culture, died in January, 1998. As the
news spread in Cambridge, then beyond that
ancient seat of learning to Raymond
Williams readers all over the world, grief
and consternation quickly spread. When I reached
Cambridge at the end of 1998 I could sense the
vacuum in the university and more so in the
English faculty. Every time I passed his room in
Jesus College, where once Coleridge resided, I
was reminded of how we all had come to suppose
that he would be there always to show us the way
out.
For me and for many
others, he was a mainstay of our intellectual
life, a scholar who, in the words of Iain Wright,
had "checked and reversed the
culture-pessimism which had vitiated had in fact
more or less constituted English literary
criticism for a quarter of a century". In
the present climate we need this academics
vision as well as his deep-seated anger against
Anglo-Saxon conservatism of many of his
contemporaries.
The range and
output of his contributions to cultural studies,
to the analysis of literary texts, and to the
understanding of contemporary social relations is
increasingly recognised as the most influential
body of work in the past 50 years. John
Higgins recent full length study on Raymond
Williams is essentially literary, an attempt to
give only those biographical facts which help to
elucidate certain facts of his work.
It traces
Williams intellectual trajectory from its
beginnings in the literary criticism of the
1950s, across the development of a New Left
cultural politics, to its culmination in the
theory and practice of cultural materialism. It
provides an interesting and involving analysis of
the theoretical and social context of
Williams concerns with politics, culture
and literary studies.
On completing
his dissertation on Ibsen from Trinity College,
Cambridge, Williams worked as a tutor in adult
education which provided him a diversion from the
usual English curriculum and the ground for the
writing of two seminal works, "Culture and
Society" (1958) and "The Long
Revolution" (1961) which helped to
institutionalise cultural studies as well as
establish Williams as a prominent thinker of the
New Left who challenged the existing paradigms of
literary studies through probably the most
formative socialist work of the period.
This
"oppositional work" would go on for the
next 30 years with its main target being the
elite cultures "central assumptions
not only as they appeared in English studies, but
also as they informed the dominant modes of
thinking about politics and society, and as they
swayed assessments of the very possibility of
progressive social and political action".
There are innumerable readings of his work, both
hostile as well as appreciative; many take it as
disinterested academic commentary on literary and
cultural history, while some Althusserian
theorists regard it as an idealist academic
project too deeply rooted in empiricist
problematic. Higgins puts across an unbiased view
of Williams thinking on cultural politics
of his days.
Higgins argues
that the cultural politics behind the production
of "Culture and Society", for instance,
is overlooked especially when there is no denying
that it is closely related to the debate on and
around adult education for over 20 years around
the time it was written. Williams major
works and his articles in his short-lived journal
Politics and Letters made him the
spokesman of his generation which consisted of
the "angry young men" though one of
them was Doris Lessing, the "Scholarship
Boys" and lastly the New Left.In fact he was
writing against T.S. Eliot and F.R. Leavis and
the "whole of the cultural conservatism that
had formed around them the people who had
pre-emptied the culture and literature of this
country".
After the
collapse of his journal, Williams pulled back to
work on his own, and instead of being isolated,
as has been often argued, he hit out against the
isolationism of the hostile consensus of
conservative opinion. In fact the reviews of his
"Culture and Society" were rather
hostile to the very nature of Williams
thesis. An article in Cambridge Review by
the conservative historian Maurice Cowling was
extraordinarily dismissive and indignant at the
central place that Williams, a man from the
periphery of British educational and cultural
life, could now occupy, particularly amongst a
"group of English radicals, lapsed
Stalinists, academic Socialists and intellectual
Trotskyists... with others from the extra-mural
boards, the community centres and certain
northern universities".
What needs to be
grasped is the need for the New Left to redefine
the aims of the Communist Party and the new
liberal rhetoric around the end of the sixties
when the Hungarian revolt was crushed by the
Soviet army, the welfare ambitions of France and
Britain lay under a cloud of suspicion, and
imperialism was far from its end as was obvious
when the two anti-fascist nations invaded the
Suez Canal in 1956. It was a period when the
complacency introduced by these welfare states
had to be questioned.
To face this
situation Williams and his contemporary cultural
theorists like Stuart Hall and Richard Hoggart
attempted to focus on that one important aspect
of society: the cultural and the ideological
domain. As Stuart Hall argues, the cultural
dimension seemed to us not a secondary, but a
constitutive dimension of society. (This reflects
part of the New Lefts long-standing quarrel
with the reductionism and economism of the
base-superstructure metaphor".
Placing the
whole programme of cultural studies at the centre
of politics was a reaction against Eliots
"Notes Towards the Definition of
Culture" which aimed at the reactionary
appropriation of the idea of culture.
Eliots panic was caused by the Beveridge
Report of 1942 which gave the right of education
to all who have the inclination and the
potential. This Eliot feared would lead to
"the education of too many people, and
consequently to the lowering of standards to
whatever this swollen number of candidates is
able to reach". Williams saw the need for
adult education related to the issue of mass
education, and he, therefore, gave an impetus to
it by arguing that the movement was an important
opportunity for providing working-class people
with the elements of a broadly political
education". Williams deepest impulse
was the desire to make learning integral to the
process of social change.
The late sixties
saw the entry of Williams into the editorial
board of New Left Review where, along with E.P.
Thompson and Stuart Hall, he attempted to regroup
the fragmented British Left resulting in the
prospectus called the May Day Manifesto. Behind
it one could see the moving spirit of Williams
and the "solidity of his reading and
analysis in political economy, his sense of the
permeation of capitalist economy". The
manifesto met with a warm response as was evident
from opening of innumerable clubs all over
Britain.
The heady days
of 1968 did promise a quick revolution instead of
the long revolution that Williams had proposed,
and with some satisfaction he began on his
bluntest analysis of the development of agrarian
capitalism, going to the extent of blaming
Marxism for its insensitivity to the problem of
the rural labouring population. This was broadly
the thesis of his wonderful book, "The
Country and the City", which was completed
in 1973 and dealt with varied issues concerning
culture, economy, power and ideology.
These
intellectual concerns can be seen in all their
Marxist underpinnings in his interviews to the
New Left Review which were published as
"Politics and Letterss in 1979. As
he says in "Towards 2000", the
impulse of wholeness is what pushed him towards a
reassessment of literature and its context
thereby seeing a false dichotomy between society
and the study of literature. This was his age-old
concern visible in "The Long
Revolution" where he had argued:
"Art comes to us as part of our actual
growth, not entering a special area
of the mind, but acting on and interacting with
our whole personal and social organisation."
It is for this
reason that "Culture and Society"
largely stands up against the intellectuals
comfortable trick of seeing culture as other than
society, or above it, thereby offering a history
of "the emergence of culture as an
abstraction and an absolute: an emergence which,
in a very complex way, merges two general
responses first, the recognition of the
practical separation of certain moral and
intellectual activities from the driven impetus
of a new kind of society; second, the emphasis of
these activities, as a court of human appeal, to
be set over the process of practical social
judgement and yet to offer itself as a mitigating
and rallying alternative".
Such then were
his concerns for not separating or
compartmentalising the inward and the outward
culture so that he could counter the regressive
attempt to erase the social struggle out of
literature. Art-values to him were integral to
lifevalues, though it is a difficult compromise
as is visible in the awareness of the gap between
the literary culture and the atrocities of the
industrial set-up. His caveats against reductive
sociologies of literature, against the separation
of ideas from social practice were in keeping
with his urge to focus the attention of all
intellectual activity or the practical aspect of
thinking about the future with its base in
"human and local continuities".
In this lay
Williams overwhelming cultural optimism and
socialism that encouraged literary criticism to
overcome the culture-pessimism of the past half
century that had, through the now fatigued
efforts of Eliot and Leavis, achieved nothing but
"specious pseudo-histories of the cultural
fall which science and democracy had conspired to
bring".
His concern,
therefore, was with the future, with nuclear
disarmament and with the serious threat to the
environment in the new millennium. This human
predicament is clearly expressed in "Towards
2000": The deepest changes will have
to come in the old industrial economies
themselves: not only in major shifts towards
conservation and more durable and economical
production but also in their deep assumption that
the rest of the world is an effectively vacant
lot from which they extract raw materials."
Here lies the
concern of a creative writer whose work is
interspersed with his critical writings. His play
"Koba" which was on the rise of
Stalinism helped him to clearly visualise the
tragedy of the socialist debacle in 1956. This
terrible experience went on to stimulate Williams
into writing "Modern Tragedy", one of
the most important texts on drama that aids
readers to see connections and continuities
between the ancient world and their own, a
"border country" that formed the basis
of his novel by this title and helped him to
imaginatively distance himself from the
industrial scenario to closely examine the
agrarian country house tradition and nature
poetry in the country and the city", the
finest of his critical writings.
Williams always
stood at the border country between the academic
world and the New Left activism and commitment,
between literature and political theory, a
position from which he could reveal the
unexamined attitudes and assumptions of the
elitist culture and stand up for a link between
critical work and the lives of people. It is here
that his colleagues, readers and comrades will
always situate him and remember him.
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Preaching through parables
Write view
by
Randeep Wadehra
Ethnic
Conflict in Sri Lanka and Role of IPKF by P.A.
Ghosh APH, New Delhi. Pages xx +215. Rs 500.
CONTRARY to common
perception, Ghosh believes that ethnic conflicts
in the post-colonial era are not necessarily the
legacy of colonial rule. In fact, the author
asserts that it was in the foreign rulers
interest to contain ethnic friction. Thus, the
British rulers in Sri Lanka used various economic
and political devices to keep the diverse ethnic
groups on the island together in order to promote
their own economic interests.
Ghosh believes
that it is the loss of confidence in the efficacy
of the state which has triggered
racial/tribal/ethnic strife. The resurgent groups
firmly believe that the administrative framework
of the colonial powers was faulty and forced them
to be part of a system that did not look after
their aspirations.
According to the
author, a multi-ethnic state faces four types of
internal threats and these are socio-cultural,
ideological, economic, political and military in
nature. The most serios challenge to such a state
comes from communal violence, a weak
nation-building process and underdeveloped
socio-political structure. A lack of
institutional shock-absorbers leads to the
destabilisation of a vulnerable polity.
This was so in
Czechoslovakia, and now in Indonesia. The former
was more or less a Soviet colony and hence is an
apt example of post-colonial social implosion. Of
course, Yugoslavia is in a different class. An
independent entity , it was clear by its
nonaligned status during the cold war, but the
various ethnic groups were more on less
subservient to the Serbs.
In Sri Lanka
ethnic riots took place in 1956, 1958, 1977, 1982
and 1983. After the July, 1983, riots the Tamils
took refuge in Tamil Nadu. This also was a
watershed year as the Sri Lankan Tamils took up
arms against the state.
Separatism
became institutionalised in the northern part of
the once idyllic island. The author further
states that it was the discrimination and
deprivation of the Tamils by the Sinhala majority
that led to the demand for a federal state by the
Tamil United Liberation Front. The TULF tried to
achieve this objective through democratic means.
The stubborn
Sirimavo Bandaranaike government and the dynamics
of competitive politics among the various Tamil
political groups like the TULF, TNT (later
renamed LTTE), etc. led to the demand for a
separate Tamil state or Tamil Eelam. The LTTE,
led by Velupillai Prabhakaran, upped the ante
leading to ethnic violence, which continues to
rage.
Geographical
proximity led to a feeling of unease in India
regarding the strategic repercussions of an
unstable polity in Sri Lanka. Already foreign
powers, especially Israel and the USA, were
showing more than casual interest in the troubled
island. It would have been imprudent for India to
let its backyard become a playground for
potentially hostile forces. In June, 1984, there
were reports of Mossads active involvement
in anti-terrorist activities in Sri Lanka. Ghosh
has given a full account of the diplomatic
activities which were slowly but surely pushing
the island into a foreign orbit, something that
would have hurt Indias national interests.
However,
Indias involvement in the troubled island
went through two contrasting phases. First, the
RAW trained the Tamil guerrillas in Tamil Nadu
and elsewhere, thus enhancing their fighting
capability and making them a formidable force
that they very much are now. This earned for
India international disapproval. The second phase
was devoted to containing the guerrilla menace.
To pursue this goal India first took up the role
of a mediator.
When the
Jayawardene government blockaded the Jaffna
peninsula, the Rajiv Gandhi government airdropped
relief for the besieged Tamils. What compelled
the Indian government to send the IPKF against
the same Tamils? Were the motives altruistic, for
example, to usher in peace? Or did India foresee
a role of big brother for itself in the region,
by acting as the sole peace-broker? Whatever be
the case, on July 30, 1987, the IPKF was
"inducted" into the island.
The IPKF had the
following main politico-military objectives to
achieve: (a) to guarantee and enforce cessation
of hostilities between the LTTE and the Sri
Lankan armed forces; (b) to create conditions
conducive to the return of the Tamil refugees in
India; (c) to ensure security and safety of all
communities; (d) ensure the disarming of
militants and the confinement of Sri Lankan
forces to the barracks; and, (e) to create
conditions favourable for free and fair elections
in the island.
That the IPKF
failed to achieve any of these objectives is well
known. The lesson, perhaps, for us to learn is
that direct involvement in the internal affairs
of another nation is invariably self-defeating.
Examples of the Soviet involvement in
Afghanistan, US intervention in Indo-China and
the Chinese attempts to "teach Vietnam a
lesson" are still fresh in ones mind.
Ghoshs
thesis is certainly a worthy addition to military
literature of the subcontinent. Hopefully, Pervez
Musharraf will read it before he decides upon a
misadventure in Kashmir.
«««
Hypnosis
for Beginners by BV Pattabhi Ram. Pustak Mahal,
New Delhi. Pages 160. Rs 60.
EMERGING from being an
esoteric art, hypnosis is fast becoming an
effective tool for both psychoanalysis and
psychotherapy. Several physical and mental
disorders can now be resolved with the help of
hypnosis. It is right now an important part of
behavioural medicine. The application of
techniques such as biofedback, relaxation
training and hypnosis for the prevention and
treatment of medical and psychosomatic disorders
and to the treatment of undesirable behaviours
such as overeating and substance abuse is called
behaviour medicine.
The word
hynotism is derived from the Greek word
"hypnos", which means
"sleep". The Greek god of sleep is
named Hypnos. The author points out that the
ideas, theories and experiences of some famous
physicians, neurologists and psychiatrists like
Mesmer, Braid, Eliotson and Charcot, who lived
between the 17th and 19th centuries, form the
basis of scientific hypnotism. However, even the
ancient Egyptians, Persians, Greeks and Romans
were aware of the powers of hypnosis.
Psychoanalysts
point out that mind is not an anatomical organ.
It is much more than the organic brain. In fact
it is almost impossible to define mind. The
Freudian theory of the mind includes three models
the ego, the superego and the id. The id
says "do it now", the ego says
"not now. This is not the appropriate time
and place to do it", and the superego says
"dont ever do it, it is evil and wrong
to do it under any circumstance."
Pierre Janet
originated the term "subconscious" to
elucidate the theories of psychopathology based
on his extensive work on hypnosis. The
subconscious which todays hypnotists speak
of is the repository of forgotten memories, the
source of psyches energy, the health
maintaining mechanism, and the programmable
bio-computer that enables one to understand the
minds working and use it for attaining
higher accomplishments.
Pattabhi Ram has
also given details of the techniques of hypnotism
as well as post-hypnotic procedures. A useful
book for professionals and casual readers alike.
«««
Snacks
for the Soul by JP Vaswani. New Dawn, Mumbai.
Pages xiv +262. Rs 150.
PARABLES, allegories or
fables form part of a socio-cultural
superstructure. Myths are woven around an
incident to impart moral lessons to the audience.
One can see countless examples of these in all
societies. India has perhaps one of the largest
repertoires of this genre of literature.
This narratives
have simple story lines and are generally short,
very brief. Each story has a moral. For example,
"The elixir of love" talks of an ailing
rich girl who lives a secluded life. A doctor
diagnoses her problem as psychosomatic. The
doctor takes her to the dwelling place of poor
people. There she learns how giving could be both
a pleasure and a panacea for the ailing body and
soul.
Another piece,
"Garden or garbage?" tells of a
gardener who loves his trees so much that he will
not cast away even their dead leaves and withered
branches. Gradually, the once lovely garden
begins to resemble a garbage heap. Dada Vaswani
points out that we too are like the gardener. We
turn our lives into wastelands by storing
disposable worries and anxieties in our minds.
Then there is
this Greek fable about Thales, one of the seven
wise men of ancient Greece. This
philosopher-astronomer would walk during nights,
his eyes scanning the starlit sky. Once, in
answer to a question, he remarked that the
easiest of all things was to give advice. The
most difficult thing was to know ones own
self.
The present
volume has 150 short stories narrated by
spiritual guru Dada JP Vaswani during his
discourses. Prabha Sampath and Krishna Kumari
have compiled them. The themes are varied. So are
the characters who could be ordinary faceless
folks or such well-known figures as Krishna, the
Buddha, Prophet Mohammed, Confucius, Bhakta
Ramdas, Alexander, Shivaji, Akbar, Mahatma
Gandhi, etc.
These stories
have been written in a manner that one feels
impelled to turn the page and read the next one.
If your want to wean your little one away from
the idiot box, give him this book. It will do him
a world of good.
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Total focus on underside of
life
by
Manju Jaidka
Collected
Plays by Mahesh Dattani. Penguin India, New
Delhi. Pages xvi+516. Rs 395.
MAHESH DATTANI who? Not so
long ago, such a question would probably be
asked. For, until two years ago, Mahesh Dattani
was a little-known name. Then, suddenly, he was
awarded the Sahitya Akademi Award and everyone
started talking about him. And now, whether he is
"doing the needful", or "dancing
like a man", or "fighting bravely like
a queen", or finding "final
solutions" to complex issues, there is no
doubt that Dattani has come to stay.
But first a word
about the man: Mahesh Dattani, now in his early
forties, spent his formative years in Bangalore
where he still spends most of the time
that is, when he is not travelling around the
globe or teaching the summer in the USA. An early
interest in theatre prompted him to set up the
theatre group, Playpen, in 1984, and encouraged
him to write and produce plays. In 1998, Dattani
won the prestigious Sahitya Akademi Award for his
"Final Solutions and Other Plays"
(EastWest Books). The rest is familiar
history.
"Collected
Plays" brings together eight plays by
Dattani on diverse themes ranging from
single-minded ambition to communal strife, from
gender issues to deep psychological scars, from
the most private of personal issues to the most
public of social concerns. Dattani has it all in
one form of another matters relating to
the psyche and to the individual self when the
self is placed in an unignorable social
framework.
His favourite
target is the social fabric in which he loves to
pick holes: social institutions, class, religion,
the family. Particularly the family which forms
the backdrop for most of his plays. Relationships
within the family come under the writers
lens, their frayed edges, ready-to-burst at
seams, the stresses and strains of living within
the conventional code, all come under scrutiny.
Doing so,
Dattani works against a few odds. In the first
place, it is the middle ground that he treads: he
writes of the great Indian middle class which, he
is aware, is hardly a theme to inspire a writer.
Writing for and about the middle-class might be
unfashionable, but not for him. He bears the
brunt of the critical backlash, when he is
upbraided for not writing of the working class
which is generally considered better fodder for a
creative writer. This problem, as he sees it, is
part of the "politics of doing
theatre".
Second, because
Dattani writes for a wide audience, he stretches
his concerns far beyond the commonplace. He
speaks of issues that are very much in existence
but generally brushed under the carpet by polite
society. His plays are peopled by the
lesser-known types, not the conventional but the
so-called deviant variety the gay, the
eunuch, the "other". But, even as he
introduces unconventional matter in theatre, his
plays avoid falling into the trap of exclusivity
and target the masses, using everyday speech of
the common man as their medium.
Language poses
another problem. The plays are written in English
because this is the language that comes easily to
the writer and best suits the middle-class
characters he portrays. There is no denying that
Dattani is innovative. His originality leaps out
of every page. Theatre for him is not simply just
another genre: it is a totality that includes
within its purview not just drama and mime but
also music, dance, and even cinema.
Reverberations of the thumri or the drum
or other forms of instrumental music echo through
the various stages of life his characters go
through.
Dance is not
just rhythmical physical movement, but a medium
his characters often resort to, symbolising as it
does the various passions and moods peculiar to
the human species. And cinematic devices merge
with theatrical in the diverse experiments with
stage-direction.
Occasionally the
stage is split into three different levels, each
repr senting a different setting. Sometimes
action, and even dilogue, takes place
simultaneously in more than one of the scenes.
Reading these
plays is not enough. One needs to see them
performed on stage for the total effect, with the
simultaneity of perception, with light effects,
the music, song and dance, seemingly ordinary
techniques that acquire a new life and take on a
crucial role in his plays. Even the characters
are not ordinarily portrayed. They often switch
roles, as in "Dance Like a Man", where
flashback scenes, acted by the main characters
taking on the roles of their parents, take the
audience back and forth in time.
One cannot deny
the reality of the world that Dattani presents.
It stares you in the face, making you
involuntarily flinch in each of the plays. It is
a reality you may not wish to encounter. If it is
the middle class that he focuses on, the centre
and also its margins find their way into his line
of vision.
The marginalised
sections are represented by the hijras of
"Seven Steps Around the Fire" or the
gay couples of "On a Muggy Night in
Mumbai." At the conformist centre, on the
other hand, is the successful business class of
"Bravely Fought the Queen".
But underneath
the glitter and the veneer of affluence lies the
ugliness of opportunism and promiscuity, greed
and brutality, shame and guilt: a child born
deformed as the result of gross physical abuse
suffered by the mother. Similarly, behind the
successes of the dancing couple in "Dance
Like a Man" rattles a skeleton in the
cupboard that of a child sacrificed to the
soaring ambitions of his parents.
Dattani is
different, simply different. He is innovative and
daring in his themes and presentation. Sexuality
on the stage may not be new but
"deviant" sexuality is. Homosexuality,
which until recently has been a taboo subject,
has been prised out of the closet and placed
before the glare of the footlights.
Hijras, who
have always been objects of ridicule, are
sympathetically portrayed. The other woman, the
conventionally maligned "keep", turns
out to be a positive factor in stabilising her
lovers family. Socially accepted norms are
thus turned topsy-turvy and re-examined. Again
and again.
All this is very
intellectually stimulating. Very challenging. And
yet
. And yet, despite the brilliance of
presentation, the novelty of theatrical
experiment, and the interweaving of song and
dance and music, something somewhere leaves you
with a heavy feeling, an agitated mind, and an
acerbic taste in the mouth. Is it the intensity
of the drama? Or is it the dearth of moments of
levity in the plays? Or is it the claustrophobic
family atmosphere that repeatedly forms the
backdrop of the action? Or the interpersonal
relationships that are tense, strained, and
stretched almost to breaking point?
Perhaps your
dissatisfaction is the collective impact of the
ugly side of life that Dattani repeatedly
presents in his zest for realism. Human beings,
because they are human, are victims of passion,
lust, greed, and hate negative emotions
that one is constantly waging a war against. But
when, in play after play, you are confronted with
these negativities, is it surprising that they
have their cumulative effect and leave you
feeling restless and uneasy?
Possibly, this
is the playwrights intention to
leave you with this niggling feeling that all is
not well with the world you live in and something
must be done about it. To make you realise that
you must seek the open end of the tunnel in which
you are trapped. This feeling lingers on even
after you put the book away.
So, in the
ultimate analysis, you are forced to concede that
Dattani is not just another playwright his
is an emergent voice on the stage that commands
attention and must be heard. His are words that
will echo in your ears no matter how hard you try
to shut them out. For they relate to lived
experience which, no matter how sordid or
unpleasant or hard to accept, is still real.
Still human.
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Wanted: people-centred
policies
by
Surinder S. Jodhka
Communities
and Conservation: Natural Resource Management in
South Central Asia edited by Ashish Kothari,
Neema Pathak, R.V. Anuradha and Taneja. Sage
Publications, New Delhi. Pages 507. Rs. 495.
THE rise of environmental
movements in different parts of the world during
the past two or three decades has greatly
enhanced public awareness of the conservation of
natural resources. The emergence of these
movements has also led to a rethinking on the
policies of development and economic growth.
The
environmental movements have been quite
successful in questioning the widely held belief
that industrialisation and urbanisation can solve
the material problems of human societies. On the
contrary, the ideologues of these movements have
quite successfully argued that an unrestrained
use of modern technology was likely to lead to
disasters. The policies of development that did
not maintain a fair balance between nature and
technology were in the long run going to be
unsustainable.
While the need
for conservation of natural resources has been
recongnised by almost everyone, the framing of
environmental policies has been a difficult task.
This is particularly so of the Third World.
Conservation and development have often been seen
as being in conflict with each other. Further,
environmental conservation is not merely a matter
of economic choice. Conservation policies often
mean redefining the role of the local people in
conserving the resources.
Until recently,
conservation policies were framed by government
officials and often without any consideration for
those who were going to be affected by these
policies. However, over the years the official
approach to conservation has undergone many
changes the world over. Perhaps the most
important of these has been the shift "from
standarised policies and programmes initiated by
centralised and urban-based agencies" to
"decentralised, site specific,
community-based activites". The most
important component of this shift has been to
make the local communities participate in
the process of execution (in some cases also in
decision-making) of the conservation programmes.
The papers
presented in this book deal with the issues that
have been raised by this shift towards
community-based management of natural resources
in South and Central Asian countries. Apart from
a useful and detailed introduction, there are in
all 24 papers divided into four different
sections. The first section introduces the issues
and identifies the relevant questions. The second
has six papers dealing with the experience of
community-based conservation in six countries
from South and Central Asia India, the
Maldives, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri
Lanka.
The third
section has nine papers on the "emerging
issues". And the final section has eight
more papers providing case studies of different
projects where attempts have been made to involve
communities in conservation.
All these papers
were first presented at a regional workshop
organised by the Indian Institute of Public
Administration, New Delhi, in February, 1997.
Community-based
conservation is seen to be particularly suitable
for the developing countries because the local
communities in these societies "continue a
day-to-day interaction with the areas and species
sought to be conserved". In India, for
example, excluding the local communities from the
management of these areas has often led to
conflict and clashes between forest officials and
the locals. The locals have also been demanding
that their voice ought to be heard while framing
the conservation policies and they should be
given some control over the resources which have
been sustaining their lives.
There has also
been a realisation in official circles that
public support was necessary for a viable and
sustainable conservation policy. The old approach
that viewed the local communities as destroyers
of forest resources has also been questioned. In
fact conservationists now realise that the local
communities have in-depth knowledge and
experience of wildlife and habitat which can be
used for conservation. Thus, involving the locals
in conservation not only democratises such
programmes but could also prove a more effective
way of achieving the targets.
On the face of
it the argument favouring the involvement of
local communities in conservation programmes
sounds quite convincing, but a closer look at the
internal structure of the so-called communities
raises very different kinds of questions. What
are the local communities? Are they internally
homogenous? Who represents and participates on
its behalf?
The authors of
the book are aware of these problems. They
recognise that the communities are often not
homogenous. The internal differences and
inequities based on ethnic origin, caste, gender
and age could "create profound differences
in interest, capacity and willingness to invest
in the management of natural resources". If
presence of these inequities within the
communities are not identified and addressed, the
community-based conservation programmes could
become another "power game with centralised
political and social power changing hands from
the state to a few influential sections within
the communities".
Similarly,
differential access to a common resource is a
problem between communities as well. For example,
one community may have better access to the
market or with politically powerful people from
outside than another community. The obvious
example here would be that of the differences
between tribal and non-tribal village
communities.
However, the
presence of internal differences in the
communities should not work as a justification
for the old bureaucratic approach. Various
definitions and criteria have been suggested by
the authors to identify local communities. One
possible way could be to treat the historical
relationship of the people with the land and the
resources for recognising their claims. Physical
proximity of the group to the resources could be
another criterion. In order to take care of the
problem of inequities "the most important
step was to identify the actual user of the
resources sought to be conserved, and ensure
their complete participation in the entire
process of planning and management of these
resources regardless of age, sex, class, caste
and power".
The authors also
advocate appropriate legal and policy structures
that would help in equitable participation of
different sections of society. However, legal
provisions, on their own, are not enough. The
need is to empower the under-privileged sections
through the provision of information and skills
that would enable them to participate fully. In
this, they expect the non-governmental
organisations (the NGOs) and other committed
outside agencies "to play a catalytic
role". In some cases the communities could
also resolve their internal differences on their
own.
It is only
recently that the significance of communities as
agents in democratic restructuring of Indian
politics and development programmes has been
recognised. However, in much of the new
literature on environment, the dominant tendency
has been to work with the classical
anthropological notion of community. While
recognising the significance of communities was
important, there was also a need to
reconceptualise them in emerging global society.
Merely talking about the internal differences
within or amongst the communities was not enough.
However, this is not to deny the value of this
collection of papers.
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