Probing Netajis disappearance a third time
By
Hameeduddin Mahmood
THE Government of India, on March
25 last, instituted a third probe panel to investigate
the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. It is
hoped that it would finally put an end to the mystery of
Netajis disapperance. The writer puts some
questions for this panel to answer.
Wars and mysteries are
always intertwined. And a war that involved 18 Allied
Nations and three Axis Powers and lasted from September
1, 1939 to May 9, 1945, in Europe and from December 7,
1941, to August 17, 1945, in Asia was too large an
operation to yield its secrets. The disapperance of
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in Formosa (Taiwan), following
the crash of the plane he was taking to flee from the
Allies was an issue that became controversial. The great
man involved in this episode matters to India and the
history of Indian freedom struggle. The event occurred on
the day Japans General Tojo was to sign the
instruments of surrender on board the USS Missouri
anchored in the Tokyo Bay. Was the air crash manipulated
by the surrendering Japanese? Did Netaji really die in
the crash? What was the destination he was heading to?
Are the ashes kept in a Shinto shrine in Japan those of
Netajis mortal frame? Why was Netaji fleeing? What
plans had he chalked out to continue his war of
liberation against the British?
Answers to all these
questions, except one might not be available. With the
help of todays technology, it is possible to
determine by DNA examination if the ashes really are
those of Netaji. If this answer is negative, it will open
the proverbial Pandoras box.
The third probe panel
aims to find answers to some of the above questions. It
is planned to be a total and conclusive probe into the
Netaji episode. But the sad fact is that as yet even the
chief of this probe panel has not been appointed. The
six-month term will no doubt be extended several times
before the panel can submit its report.
Prophet Muhammed has
said: "To frame a question beautifully is like
acquiring half the knowledge." In administrative
parlance, this is called framing the terms of reference.
But that is only half the job done. The other half is the
modus operandi of the probe panel. If the third probe
panel is going to re-examine the same set of witnesses
the first and the second panels did, the exercise would
be futile because the memories would have faded further
and been papered over with romanticism. A fresh angle is
needed.
What can that fresh
angle be?
Unlike all other leaders
during the war days in undivided India, Netaji was the
only one who had been sucked into the vortex of
international politics. In his quest for freedom, Netaji
had met Adolph Hitler who had passed him on to the
Japanese. It will be good to remember that besides the
active combatants in the war, there was another party
that was fighting its own war on the side of the Allies,
namely the World Jewish Congress.
In the eyes of the Jews
of the time, any one who was with Germany, Italy and
Japan was by the same logic against the Jews. Did the
Jews then engineer the air crash in which Netaji is
supposed to have died? Unlikely, because the Zionists
have never left a job half-finished. If they saw Netaji
as the enemy of the Jews, they would have also most
certainly fished out his corpse to proclaim the fall of
one of their "enemies". Netaji had not had the
occasion to pronounce himself on the Arab-Jewish
question, except by way of routine party statements
supporting the Arab cause, which did not amount to
denying the right of Israel to come into being.
There were innumerable
German Jews during the war who were double agents,
including Rothschild. Some worked for Germany and
Britain, while others worked for the USA and Germany
while still others worked for Germany and Russia. The
Cold War between the Allies
had already started
after the 1943 Teheran Conference. Yet, there was
unanimity on one issue: total destruction of the German
fighting machine. The goals of Netajis militant
struggle for Indias freedom were not a factor
towards this end. He was a fierce nationalist. India came
first and last in his calculations. A live Netaji would
not have been an asset to the defeated Japanese. Nor
could Japanese benefit from
Netaji continuing his
liberation struggle. The USA could have had some use of
Netaji but at that time it would not have done anything
to embarrass its "natural" ally, Britain.
Therefore, one has to
ask: Who could have benefited from Netaji staying alive
and who from the death of Netaji. A dead hero is good
only for commemoration but a live hero could have been a
rallying point for continuing Indias war of
liberation. Herein resides the clue to what happened to
Netaji in Formusa.
Coinciding with the 50th
anniversary of the Allied victory over Germany, Soviet
Land, the USSR embassy journal published from Delhi,
ran a three-part series on Netajis great
contribution to the Indian Independence struggle. Our
journalists were used to throwing away all material
received from Soviet and East European embassies, without
taking a look at them. So they have totally missed the
Soviet account of the war including some of its little
known secrets, such as Britain having readied itself to
receive the German Prime Minister Herman Goering at a
country house near London on August 22, 1939, barely nine
days before the start of the War, in which Britain became
the first country to declare war upon Germany Or,
interestingly, Britain was supplying textiles made in
India for uniforms of the German armed forces during the
war.
It is yet improbable to
think that Britain would have passed on Netaji into
Soviet Lands, knowing his nuisance value for
the future of the British empire. It is exactly at this
point that the three part Soviet Land tribute
falls silent after mildly criticising Netaji for having
chosen wrong friends. Who, then in the view of Soviet
Land, could have been the right friend of Netaji?
Towards the end of the war, the USSR had given refuge or
support to Walter Ulbrich who set up the German
Democratic Republic (East Germany); Josep Broz Tito who
created the Yugoslav republic, Kim II Sung who took over
North Korea, Ho Chi Minh who led Vietnams freedom
struggle, besides continuing support for Mao Ze
Dongs war of liberation in China.
Did the erstwhile Soviet
Union of Stalin eye Netaji for stirring up revolution in
India? Was it Rothschild who arranged the deal with
Stalin? Hence, was the air crash in Taiwan faked to cover
up Netajis flight to the USSR via Sakhalin? Was
Netaji kept in detention in Siberia to negotiate a deal?
Hardly half a year
later, the Royal Indian Navy strike broke out in India on
February 18, 1946, and just two days later British Prime
Minister Clement Richard Attlee announced in Parliament,
Britains intention to quit India before October
1948. This was the deadline the Jews had set for the
creation of Israel.
To relocate Netaji in
India for possibly a continuation of the war of
liberation had, in a way, been pre-empted by Britain,
with the announcement of its decision to quit.
The Telengana peasant
insurgency had already erupted but since Netajis
background was not agrarian, he could not have taken up
its leadership. Was he, therefore, detained longer than
needed?
Herein lies the
relevance of Blitz report about a sadhu
living near Ayodhya in mysterious circumstances. He had
apparently landed there after Indira Gandhis last
meeting with Leonid Brezhnev, the Soviet boss in 1960s.
Some time after Indira Gandhis assassination on
October 31, 1984, a small news item had appeared, saying
the Ayodhya sadhu had committed suicide by
shooting himself. Was he Netaji?
There is no doubt that
Indira Gandhi admired Netaji and would not have tolerated
his detention in Siberia in the erstwhile USSR. Did she
negotiate his return to India and kept it under wraps?
What happened to several trunkloads of cash and documents
the sadhu had retained in his custody?
The third Netaji probe
panel must really start from delving into the historicity
of the Blitz report. The panel should ask: if the
anonymous sadhu living near Faizabad was really
Netaji? Why did he not surface?
The Allies had declared
Netaji a war criminal. And India, having been one of the
allied powers that defeated the Axis powers, was legally
bound to hand him over to the International Tribunal for
War Crimes. The safest course was to keep him as an
incognito guest for life. After all, Soviet Land had
suggested Netaji had chosen bad company!
There are other more
vital questions connected with the final determination of
the Netaji disapperance controversy. As The Hindu said in
its edit (May 7, 1999) "Netajis faith in the
diversity and unity inspired millions of people. He
symbolised the values, vision and determination of a poor
nation to free itself from colonial rule. His ideals and
philosophy are as relevant today as they (sic) were five
decades ago."
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