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Punjab was a case in point. Before Partition, it was known more for the intra-Congress battles than for forming a singular front against imperialism. Moreover, there were the divisive issues of communalism and communal representation that had to be dealt with. There were the likes of Sardul Singh Caveeshar, who were aggressively hostile to communalism and condemned Nehru for being soft on the communalists. Also, the likes of Partap Singh Kairon, a successful Akali leader of the 1930s, were beginning to realise the dead end that identity politics of Tara Singh could lead the nation to. They were gradually taking to the model of secularism and modernity that Nehru was espousing. That kind of conversion was very important, not only for Punjab but for the entire nation.
Nehru loved to be authoritative but was a democrat at heart — A person who wanted to carry all and sundry along. An inveterate communicator, he wanted to reach out to the chief ministers on matters that seemed important to him for good governance. The practice then took a shape of fortnightly letters To the Chief Ministers. These were subsequently collected in five volumes and published by the Nehru Museum and Library. The volume under review is a selection from those volumes. And a very welcome selection it is, for it makes the letters more accessible to people. By arranging the letters around themes that were dear to Nehru, the editor also makes it possible for the casual reader to get a good glimpse of how Nehru’s ideas were shaping up over the years. The letters also provide an opportunity to the present generation of Indians to directly connect with one of the greatest minds of modern India. Communalism, caste system and other identity problems plagued India through the first half of the 20th century. But Nehru at the helm and his foot-soldiers like Partap Singh Kairon in the states, managed to push India onto the path of secularism and industrial growth, the benefits of which we reaped through the rest of the 20th century. Nehru’s greatest asset was the people of India. The common people connected with Nehru like they had never done with anyone before. Nehru used that popularity to educate and instruct other politicians around him about the art of governance and the future that he hoped for India. Many chief ministers laughed at Nehru for being a na`EFve fellow chiding them for corruption and worse of all, for cutting down their opponents, which Nehru did in his one-on-one interactions with the respective Chief Ministers. Through these letters Nehru did not hesitate in discussing matters of the world with the Chief Ministers. He believed that understanding of the behaviour of American generals in Korea was just as important for finding a solution to the problems of India as was an understanding of the complex planning process that would catapult India’s authority in the world.
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On
Trouble was that the
Congress satraps in the states had little time for such niceties as
nation building. Self-aggrandisement seemed far closer to their
hearts. The ever self-important Bhimsen Sachar, for example, would
conduct a havan at an auspicious time before taking charge as
chief minister and then lay claim to being modern and upright. His
numerous letters of complaint to Nehru and other Congress
functionaries carried the subliminal demand that he be accommodated in
some position of power. It was in this general context that Nehru
began writing letters to the chief ministers of the states.