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Haryana at Crossroads: Problems and Prospects Popularly known as ‘Dee Aar’ in Haryana, the author is a man of many parts — an educationist, political commentator, social activist, thinker and philosopher rolled into one. Haryana at Crossroads, on the one hand, opens windows on current burning Haryana issues, and on the other, it provides a deep insight into the state’s glorious past, degenerated into a near-tribal cultural milieu.
D. R. Chaudhry believes in Raymond William’s definition of culture, "Culture is no finished but static thing. It is a process that has continually to be renewed, recreated, defended and modified." He laments that one comes across "a Jat, a Brahmin, an Ahir, a Punjabi or a local" in Haryana, but it is difficult to meet a Haryanvi in Haryana. He traces the origin of this dichotomy attributable to the collapse of the Mauryan empire providing opportunity of a free-for-all scenario, replete with looting, plundering, marauding of the region by the Greeks, Shakas, Scythians, Parthian, Hoons and Kushans. According to the author, no social reforms movements ever visited the tradition-bound state except the Arya Samaj in its revivalist but backward-looking character. He rightly laments the absence of a cultural renaissance which could influence and impact the Haryanvis in acquiring a modern sensibility. This could also have led to avoiding crises in agriculture, industry, education, infrastructure, social justice, political formations, etc. Chaudhry firmly believes in having a middle class, which has eluded Haryana, and which compels the sovereign to give better and accountable administration in terms of security, health, education and generating employment, etc. There are very few theatre groups in the state and there is no established film industry. Haryanvi dialect did not find a script and an appropriate literature unlike Punjabi. Patronising of art and culture in the state remained neglected in the absence of powerful feudalistic families which are known to spare their kitty for such like finer genres in a civilised and mature society. Step by step, the author diagnoses the ills the "unfortunate state" has been suffering since ages and it’s not being able to suitably adapt itself to the much-hyped modernity and its likely fall out. Long-standing disputes of water with Punjab, including the states’ Capital issue, find mention in the book. The author believes in Dr M.S. Swaminathan recommendations of measuring up with the ill effects of ‘exploitative agriculture’. Special Economic Zones (SEZs) have also been delineated in detail but the author is skeptical if the present-day powers that be, linked up with Reliance and other industrial houses, would be able to pay back enough, in terms of employment generation, and tax collection for the state exchequer, besides all Haryanvis’ collective acceptance of the concept of SEZs. The book finds apt and objective handling of the situation as it obtains in the state. It calls a spade a spade and does not paint a rosy picture in itself. The universities lack autonomy and are second-grade government departments. Chaudhry believes in bringing about changes in the transfer policy and also that the panchayats’ and other civic bodies’ role in the spread of primary and higher education needs to be addressed. The author is also worried about the falling status of women in the state and suggests ways and means to appropriate the sex ratio and arrest female foeticide. The issue of social justice also gets equally dexterous treatment at the hand of Chaudhry when he describes khap panchayats as ‘Kangaroo courts’ dispensing justice in crude, brutal, abortive and senseless adjudications. It is to the author’s credit that very recently, the Punjab and Haryana High Court referred to an article published by him in The Tribune on the same subject while hearing petitions against the ‘fatwas’ (edicts), issued by the khap panchayats which did have their relevance but in an era gone bye. The book is a must-read for scholars and researchers besides all those interested in Haryana affairs.
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The present-day Haryana’s
devolvement is commented upon as having been a result of politics of
populism propagated by the Lals of Haryana, with its slothful
distinction of excelling in the art of ‘Aaya Ram, Gaya Rams’, en
masse defections allegorised as ‘Ali Baba and 40 Thieves’,
consequence of which manifested itself into the powers that be turning
into whipping boys, doing the bidding of the Centre, and the common
Harayanvi caring two hoots for discipline to be adhered to, in building
up a society conducive to civic norms.